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... diplomatic interventions such as sanctions and use its military, the refugee problem would turn horrendous. Afghanistan's fear of an imminent armed forces assault would exert a pull on this problem. The 3. 6 million refugees currently housed in Pakistan, Iran and other countries would obviously grow. Diplomatic intervention would also be preferred over Afghanistan civilian casualties. Whether directly from military fire or indirectly through famine, civilian casualties could boost anti-American sentiment in the region, giving more political power to bin Laden and the Taliban.
Images of the lifeless civilians also could erode public support for the campaign inside the United States. The Bush Administration also contemplated the drawbacks from taking a diplomatic position towards terrorism. The United States could diplomatically adopt the use of international law enforcement and courts. But the New York Times Case for Force editorial argues that this strategy has been tried as the primary answer for the past decade, and it has failed because it does not account for state sponsorship (of terrorism) and (the political) shelter of terrorists.
President Bush also had to weigh public opinion of using the United States global power and the United Nations to impose economic sanctions against countries that harbor terrorism, in order to rid terrorist from a comfortable home base. But U. S. or U. N. imposed sanctions would not completely end investments to the terrorist by private sources.
Countries such as Afghanistan, which are economically devastated, would not suffer the strangling effect of economic sanctions. You cant miss what you never had, argues Robinson. Add the fact that economic sanctions would not completely solve the immediate need to stop terrorist planning and activities. Only direct military intervention would slow large terrorist activities faster than sanctions. Presidential historians said there is no road map for presidents in situations like this (Ball A 02). It is obvious that any decision that that President Bush would take to strike back against the terrorists, those who give refuge to terrorist, and those who give financial assistance to terrorist will not only be difficult, but by its very nature; controversial.
No diplomatic resolution can be reached in the aftermath of such heinous crimes for future terrorists will perceive such action as a reward for terrorist acts. In addition, the question still remains; will annihilating the al-Qaeda organization bring an end to terrorism? Likely no. Until the root of the issues driving terrorism and extremists ideologies of hatred, such as U. S. troops in Saudi Arabia and the Israeli occupation of Palestine, combined with ignorance, poverty, and isolation are resolved; it seems a hopeless and losing battle.
Before anyone can address the underlying issues to these problems, the al-Qaeda must be stopped (if this is indeed possible) and the global community must cool off. Yet once the al-Qaeda organization is annihilated the world must act quickly as a new faction will rise quickly to replace them. Afghanistan's current crises can only be disentangled if the warlord like government of the Taliban is replaced and the al-Qaeda organization is swiftly put to justice. The Taliban and al-Qaeda are roots of a bottomless pit. As soon as they reap the fruits of terror that they have thrust upon the helpless hoards, justice will begin to be realized. Once expelled a broad based democratic government, where all tribal minorities in Afghanistan are represented, should be implemented.
To prevent the return of internal conflict, an international military force of some kind, under U. N. auspices, will be needed. Ideally, it should be drawn from Muslim countries not bordering on Afghanistan, like Turkey, Morocco and Bangladesh (The Future) Also important to brokering peace is to understand, according to San Diego City College Professor Fabio Martinez, that Afghanistan was previously a thriving western secular society. Once Russia invaded it, it once again relied on its tribal, pastoral, and nomadic roots.
He adds, to change this, societal and tribal education must take place. Once this comes to pass, and sociological, and political stability have been achieved, then and only then, should the reigns be handed over to a new legitimate, sovereign, and representative democratic Afghanistan government. Works Cited Afghanistan. Editorial. New York Times 15 Sep. 2001: A 26. Ball, Dan, Bush Confronts a Nightmare Scenario: Crisis Looms as Defining Test Of President's Leadership.
Washington Post. 12 Sep. 2001: A 02. Barabak, Mark. The Home Front: Forging Hawks Out of Longtime Doves. La Times. com 30 Sep. 2001. 12 Oct. 2001 < web >>. Bush, George W. , President Bush Addresses the Nation.
Washingtonpost. com. 20 Sep. 2001. 12 Oct. 01 < web 092001. html>. Beta, David V. , et. al.
What Makes Them Tic? Time 24 Sep. 2001: 34. Case for Force. Editorial. New York Times 30 Sep. 2001: B 06. Clark, Wesley K. , How to Fight the New War.
Time 24 Sep. 2001: 47. Hirsh, Michael and John Barry. How to Strike Back. Newsweek 24 Sep. 2001: 36 - 41. Kurtz, Howard, What If Things Get Worse. Washingtonpost.
com 25 Sep. 2001. < web >> Gabor, Boaz. International Terrorism: Fundamental Premises for Fighting Terrorism. ICT. 16 Sep. 2001. 12 Oct. 2001 < web >. Martinez, Fabio. Personal interview. 16 Oct. 2001. Nation-Building in Afghanistan.
The New York Times. 27 Sep. 2001. 14 Oct. 2001. < web >>. Robinson, Bill. Personal interview. 12 Oct. 2001. Schneider, Greg. High-tech gear going to Afghanistan. MSNBC.
com. 14 Oct. 2001. 14 Oct. 2001. < web >> The Afghanistan Files. MSNBC. com. 14 Oct. 2001. < web battlefield / afghanistan . asp#political>. The Future of Afghanistan.
Editorial. The New York Times. 15 Oct. 2001. 15 Oct. 2001 < web >. Walker, Jesse. What Happens Next? Reason Online. 21 Sep. 2001. 12 Oct. 2001 < web >>.
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Research essay sample on Al Qaeda Economic Sanctions
