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Example research essay topic: Propaganda In Northern Ireland - 1,723 words

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... have also contributed to the propaganda activities in Ireland. One in particular was Erskine Childers, "an enthusiastic junior imperialist from the heart of the English establishment, who died as a member of the Irish Republican Army" (Foster, 27). As editor of the Irish Bulletin, he demonstrated his talents as a publicist by writing violent and exalted propaganda for the IRA against the Anglo-Irish Treaty. "He was shot by the Free State government of Britain, after a highly questionable judicial procedure, as a traitor to the new Irish regime, working to overturn it" (Foster, 27).

Technically, this was not so, though he was a member of the Sinn Fein since 1919, and Secretary to the Irish delegation that signed the Treaty, Childers had never actually taken arms against the British government in Ireland. His main propagandist actions were his writings and organizing "a much-publicized shipment of arms for the Irish Volunteers" (Foster, 28). Childers collated and publicized every murder and atrocity committed by the British Loyalists and had scaled up these activities as a notorious sacking or looting. The British government also had their share of individuals doing their dirty work as well. "The extent to which British propaganda enjoyed any success at all with the Irish owed much to the particular talents of the poet John Betjeman" (Cole, 33). Betjeman was the British propaganda director in Ireland between January 1941 and June 1943.

His attractive personality helped the Irish to see the potential for value in the English despite complete Irish opposition to British policies. Betjeman made many friends among the leaders of the Irish community both through his friendliness and his understanding of the Irish and Irish politics. "Of all the neutral European nations during World War II, Ireland proved to be the most difficult for Great Britain to influence through propaganda" (Cole, 33). The Irish resisted propaganda as few other neutrals did, and once the Battle of the Atlantic was under way, Irelands importance to Britain increased dramatically. "The point was strategic. Ireland lay at the eastern edge of the Atlantic Ocean, through which ran the supply lines linking Britain with North America" (Cole, 33). The fact was that the British feared Irelands neutrality might actually work against Britains Atlantic situation by letting the Germans use the waters off the West Coast of Ireland as a hiding place for U-boats. British efforts at making the Irish see the danger of their being neutral posed to Britain ultimately had to be enhanced by the deployment of propaganda.

That is where Betjeman came into play. The Ministry of Information, which ran war-time propaganda aimed at neutral countries, was among the most disorganized departments in the British government. The Ministry warned Betjeman that in devising a propaganda plan, he must be very careful not to trod on Irish values in any respect. "Such cautions lay behind Betjeman's propaganda mission in Dublin, which was predicated on the assumption that he must avoid giving offense while stressing the importance of a benevolently neutral Ireland to both countries" (Cole, 35) Allied impatience with Irelands neutrality was matched by Irelands resentment of past British policy. This resentment was a major factor in Betjeman's considerations of what kind of propaganda might work in Ireland.

Hence, "Betjeman's initial activities included advising the BBC on broadcasts, making contacts in the press, clergy, and government", and continue to weaken Irish objections to Britain by spreading the main propaganda lines on the war (Cole, 39). These lines included "Britain is winning, Ireland is dependent on Britain for protection, and Ireland is treated exactly the same as other neutrals, and should expect nothing different" (Cole, 40). Irish censorship began to loosen in 1942. Press coverage on the war expanded in both British and Irish papers, and Irish journalists reported war news from London. "Also, Betjeman organized a steady stream of literary, academic, and intellectual visitors to Dublin whose presence certainly influenced Irish views of Britain in positive ways.

This was only nominally propaganda, however" (Cole, 44). Eventually, the censorship eased and Betjeman was able to circulate printed material with overt propaganda content on a regular basis for the first time in Ireland. My final examination of the propaganda that has occurred in North Ireland will revolve around the actions of the governments and political / religious groups who are involved with the conflict. In particular, I will discuss the events that were considered propaganda victories for the IRA against the British Loyalists.

The first of these events, being the Bloody Sunday killings, is one of the most memorable and tragic days in the history of the North Ireland conflict. "Bloody Sunday refers to the events that took place in Derry on the afternoon of Sunday, January 30, 1972. A Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) march had been organized to protest against the continuation of Internment without trial in Northern Ireland" (web). An estimated 20, 000 men, women and children took part in the march which was fired upon by members of the British Army after a supposed riot broke out. The soldiers responsible for the deaths and injuries that day insisted that they had come under gun and bomb attack by members of the Irish Republican Army and only fired at people in possession of weapons. However, those involved in the march, and many eyewitnesses, all provided evidence that contradicted the statements given by the soldiers. According to theses testimonies none of those killed or injured had any guns or bombs. "The events of Bloody Sunday caused a lot of shock and revulsion at an international level.

Within Ireland the killings resulted in a dramatic increase in support for Republicanism in general and the IRA in particular" (web). Another event which is considered to be a propaganda victory for the IRA was The Hunger Strike of 1981. "Bobby Sands, then leader of the Irish Republican Army in the Maze Prison, refused food on March 1, 1981 " (web). The main aim of the new strike was to achieve the re introduction of political status for Republican prisoners. It later became clear, however, that the IRA leadership outside the prison was not in favor of a new hunger strike following the outcome of the 1980 strike, and the main idea for this protest came from the prisoners themselves. The strike was lasted until October 3 1981 with the end result of 10 Republican prisoners starving themselves to death in support of their demands. "The Hunger Strike of 1981 had very important and far-reaching consequences for Northern Ireland and proved to be one of the key turning points of the troubles" (web). The Republican movement had achieved a huge propaganda victory over the British government and had obtained a lot of international sympathy for the IRA. "When the hunger strikers died, their deaths were used to justify further terrorist reprisals" (Hamilton, 369).

One last propaganda victory for the IRA came after involvement from NORAID (the Irish Northern Aid Committee), which was the main source of U. S. funds for the IRA. "By 1923, the IRA had gone underground. To raise monies for its activities, members engaged in educational and agitation al speaking tours, some traveling to the United States where there was strong Irish sentiment in the Irish-American communities" (Hamilton, 368). These communities soon aligned together to form NORAID. It is rumored that some of the money raised by NORAID went to supplying guns for the IRA.

In any case, when these Americans joined Irish marchers in a parade in Belfast on the morning of August 12, 1984, they came under surprise attack and gun fire of the Royal Ulster Constabulary. The RUC justified their shootings as an attack on Martin Galvin, leader of NORAID who was banned from North Ireland, by saying that he showed up in the crowd to make a public speech alongside Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams (Belfrage, 137). In their attempt to capture Galvin, the RUC fired off rounds of plastic bullets at point-blank range into the crowd. In the end, twenty people were injured, one man was killed and many more hospitalized. Furthermore, Galvin was never found. "The British Northern Ireland office backed the constabulary stating it is clear that there was an organized attempt to attack the security forces" (Belfrage, 138). Consequently, everyone talked about Sinn Fein's propaganda victory.

Despite the ongoing bloodshed and propaganda schemes, there is still hope, however, for eventually ending this ongoing conflict in North Ireland. Numerous attempts have been made over recent years to devise a peace treaty and agreement that will be feasible to all of the involved parties in the conflict. Whatever the case may be one thing is obvious in my mind: if a settlement is ever to be made, and peace truly reached, then the lies and propaganda need to stop. Honesty will be the only road that will lead the conflict in North Ireland to an end.

Bibliography: BIBLIOGRAPHY Belfrage, Sally. "Day of the Plastic Death. " The Nation 239 (1984): 137 - 138. Blanchard, Paul. The Irish and Catholic Power. Boston: Beacon Press, 1953. Cole, Robert. "Good Relations: Irish Neutrality and the Propaganda of John Betjeman. " Eire-Ireland 30 (1996): 33 - 46. Cottle, Simon. "Reporting the Troubles in Northern Ireland: Paradigms and Media Propaganda. " Critical Studies in Mass Communication 14 (1997): 282 - 293.

Dettmer, Jamie. "Was the U. S. press snookered Gerry Adams?" American Journal of Review 16 (1994): 8 - 9. Foster, Robert F. "A Patriot for Whom? Erskine Childers, a very English Irishman. " History Today 8 (1988): 27 - 32. Galway, Terry. "Michael Collins. " America 175 (1996): 6.

Hamilton, Susan E. "Irish Republican Army. " The Encyclopedia of Propaganda. Ed. Robert Cole. Amount, NY: Sharpe Reference, 1998. 367 - 369.

Hoggart, Simon. "Sketch: Accountable to Higher Standards. " Guardian 100 (1998): 2. Miller, David. "Dont Mention the War: Northern Ireland, Propaganda, and the Media. " Critical Studies in Mass Communication 12 (1995): 485 - 486. ODonnell, Victoria and Garth S. Jowett. "Propaganda as a Form of Communication. " -Part of the Class Readings, of by J. Gustainis. O Sullivan, John. "Lady Killer. " National Review 48 (1996): 3.

Stevenson, Jonathon. "The IRA Twist on Ulster History. " Wall Street Journal 22 Jan. 1998: 19. WEB SITES VISITED: web Date Visited: 30 April 1999. web Date Visited: 30 April 1999.


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Research essay sample on Propaganda In Northern Ireland

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