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Arab-Israeli Conflict In a time of war, it is far too easy to get caught up in the violence, and forget that the true goal is peace. Hate, death, and pain make it difficult for the belligerent nations to think rationally and come up with a plan to end the violence. This is why a third party is necessary. A third party sees the situation from an outsiders viewpoint. Therefore, they are able to offer better advice and solutions. This situation is applicable to the current Middle East Crisis.
Palestine and Israel cannot come to a peaceful solution without the help of the United States. In order to help the feuding parties, United States needs to be neutral, fair, and unbiased. Unfortunately, maintaining an unprejudiced view becomes harder as the bloodshed continues. Propaganda, economical / political ties, and pressure from both sides of the dispute lead United States to favor one side over another. The United States favoritism towards Israel can be seen in our media, the care packages we send to Israel, and the undivided support for Israel among the majority of religious groups in the United States. Throughout the Middle East Crisis, the United States has shown preferential treatment toward Israel.
This bias view does not only threaten U. S. -Arab relations, but also diminishes the chances of Israel and Palestine reaching a peaceful compromise. From the beginning it seemed that Israel had been in the position of strength, particularly when the strongest nation, the United States of America, was supporting her. In the Palestine War 1948 - 49, the war to Israels independence, Israel defeated the combined forces of the Arab states, and made considerable territorial gains, which were not included under the United Nations partition.
In light of the standard portrayal, it is true that the very location of Israel, a Jewish nation against the hostile Islamic states, makes it susceptible to attacks by the Arab nations. However it is not as vulnerable as implied. If anything they were military superiors. The controversy thus arises. Does Israel have the right to pre-emptive attack? The Israeli action is taken as defensive actions of a beleaguered State against military measures...
threatening its... independence. (Shipler, p. 81) However, a narrow reading of the two articles would also support the case that Israels pre-emptive strike amounted to an act of aggression. The war thus disproved several notions suggested by the standard portrayal of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Firstly, Israel may be surrounded by the Arab nations, but this held no consequence to her military strength.
In fact, it might have helped her built on her military prowess as a tool for survival. Secondly, the Arab states had not been the aggressors, or at least, did not declare war nor draw first blood, and therefore the Israelis cannot be said to be repelling invading forces. Thirdly, if anything, the Arabs were definitely not overwhelming. It would be ironic to point out that it was the Israelis forces that were overwhelming. The Israelis had gained two major things in this war: security and a bargaining chip, land for peace and recognition.
We could then look to broader perspectives. It was said that the assumption that universal and implacable hostility on the part of its neighbors was never completely accurate. (Shipler, p. 99) The Arab nations were adaptable to their own diplomatic aims and Israel was able to form relations with Jordan, Iran and Turkey. Moreover by the 1990 s, the threat was almost non-existent. Israel made her peace with Egypt over the Camp David Accords in 1979. In July 1988, King Hussein of Jordan relinquished all claims to the West Bank and by 1994, the state of war between the two countries was ended. The Lebanon War of 1982 led to peace table talks with Lebanon.
By 1994, several other Arab states had opened low level relations with the Jewish state. The state of perpetual war had ended, and it is suspected that Israel had gained from it. It had brought the Jews who had come to Israel from all over the world together, united in their efforts against the Arabs. It had brought them world-wide recognition, and economic support particularly from the States.
It was even argued that Israel might have prolonged the conflict in order to gain more foothold in the Middle East. If so, it defeats the perception that Israel is a country struggling for survival against the Arab nations. It becomes Israel using the Arab nations for her struggle for survival. The United States favors Israel for a number of reasons. Perhaps the most important reason is that Israel, like the United States, is a democracy with a stable government. Supporting democratic Israel rather than non-democratic Arab states serves American interests better.
The United States also respects what Israel signifies, which is religious freedom, political freedom, and individual freedom. America values the humanitarian idea that Israel is a state that was created to serve as a home for Jewish refugees. The United States also has economic, political, and military ties with Israel. America is well aware that Israel is a "technologically advanced country with proven scientific capability and a significant capability for additional development in the fields of agriculture, electronics, computers, medical instrumentation, solar energy, and modern military equipment" (Hersh, p. 174). The free-trade zone established between the two countries strengthens economical ties and promotes a mutually beneficial relationship. Israel has also proven to be a strategic military partner.
For example, in the early 1980 's, Israel and America had an important common interest of preventing the Soviet Union from re-attacking the Middle East. Today, Israel is America's partner against terrorism. Israel's location allows it to keep a close watch on the countries America accused of supporting terrorism. Israel then can report crucial information to American intelligence agencies that may prevent terrorism. Maintaining close relations is important and beneficial for both countries. Above all, Israel profits from its relationship with the United States greatly since "more than seventeen percent of total worldwide U.
S. assistance goes to Israel" (Ryan, p. 111). Why has America been so generous? One reason is that the "United States recognizes a moral commitment to the continued existence and welfare of the state of Israel" (Ryan, p. 117).
Also, America feels that Israel will engage more readily in peaceful compromises with the Arab nations if they feel economically and militarily secure. If the state is secure then it will send a message to the Arab world that the "United States is prepare to back up its commitment to Israel", and that "Israel is here to stay" (Hersh, p. 120). The commitment to Israel can be traced back to American religious roots as well. For example, modern Christian Zionists in America are strong advocates of the Jewish cause. Christian Zionism includes religions such as fundamentalist Protestants, Presbyterians, Lutherans, Episcopalians, and Catholics. Overall, the Christian Zionists have attracted over tens of millions of followers, as well as a major base of support for the Republican Party and also have thrown its immense media and political influence in support for Ariel Sharon and other right-wing Israeli leaders (Hourani, p. 77).
Mainstream and conservative Jewish organizations in America are also contributors to Americas pro-Israel sentiment. One does not have to look far to see whose side America supports. American media, looking to please the pro-Israeli majority of America, unfairly and inadequately portrays the Arab world. Newspapers and television / radio shows mainly focus on Israel. The Arab countries are either neglected by the media or are depicted for their corrupt government, the falling economy, and the rise of suicide bombings in the Arab world.
Even Yassir Arafat, the President of Palestine, spoke out about this issue: Daily we have raids; daily we have sea raids; daily we have shelling. If this were happening in Maalot it would make headlines Why dont you see both sides of the coin? Why do you cover the news only from the Israeli angle? (Ryan, p. 127) Our pro-Israeli attitude is evident in politics, media, and a majority of religions in the United States. Americas evident favoritism of Israel led to a negative view of the United States in the eyes of the Arab countries. Some Arabic states went as far as to proclaim that America is the devil and the states people teach their children to hate Americans, Jews, and Christians from birth. In April of 2002, Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah visited America with the over-all intent to move the US back to the more even-handed policy from which Arabs believes the US strayed.
More countries should address their issues with America in such a manner and not allow the hate to build up. Unfortunately, the issues are too complex to find a quick solution. Many Arabic states feel that the United States President, President Bush, puts too much pressure on Palestine to reform and not enough pressure on Israel. If the Palestinians achieve these impossible tasks then the United States of America will support the creation of a Palestinian state whose borders and certain aspects of its sovereignty will be provisional until resolved as part of a final settlement in the Middle East (Ryan, p. 144). Why should the Palestinians compromise and listen to President Bush when they do not want partial sovereignty but full independence? Israel, America, and Palestine are involved in a vicious circle in which the solution is not evident.
Israel and Palestine cannot reach a compromise and the United States, which is supposed to be the mediator, is too emotionally and politically involved with Israel to provide truly unbiased advice. Americas favoritism of Israel led to Anti-American sentiments in the Arab world, and provoked terrorism. There seems to be no relief in this entanglement of the three countries. Rent polling data show that larg majority of Israli's and Palstinian's support a return to pac negotiations.
Th Harry S Truman Rsarch Institut for th Advancement of Pac at th Here University and th Palstinian Cntr for Policy and Survey Rsarch issue th results of two survy's of Israel and Palstinian public opinion conduct from lat November through mid-Dcmbr. Will 92 % of Palstinian's continu to support and attacks against Israel soldiers and stars, for th first tim, for Palstinian's big that and confrontations hav help archive the national goals. At this point, 71 % of Palstinian's support an immediate return to negotiations. (Ryan, p. 95) Among Israel Arabs, th drop in big in th ffctivnss of th and struggle was vn mor pronounced, with 54 % having faith in it two yar's ago, compare with only 34 % now. Israel Jws did not big in th success of th Intifada to been with (just 34 %), and that figure has dropped vn further to 29 %. (Ryan, p. 103) Th survey found that 60 % of th Israel population supports th return to negotiations with th Palstinian's, will 57 % of Israli's favor dismantling most of th sttlmnts in th occupied territories as part of a pac agent btwn Israel and th Palstinian's. (Ryan, p. 103) When and about r conciliation btwn th two sids, 73 % of Palstinian's and 76 % of Israli's said thy would support r conciliation under conditions of pac and th xis tnc of a Palstinian stat.
One cannot help but wonder how all this will end. The future for Palestinians and Israelis is as grim as it has ever been. What America has offered is not a formula for provisional or any other kind of Palestinian statehood, but a vision of permanent war (Ryan, p. 129). In order to avoid such a grim future, America should rethink what it is really accomplishing in the Middle East. Perhaps, the best thing for the United States to do right now is to step out of the loop, and assess whether its role in the Arab-Israeli conflict is bringing more harm than good. However, if America wants to help the peace process, the following steps should be considered by the policy makers: 1) xcix diplomatic leadership to sk an immediate halt to Israel sttlmnt activity in th occupied territories and read Palstinian Authority security co-operation with Israel as th Israel army withdraws from Palstinian citi's it reoccupied. 2) Announce its willingness to hlp stablish an international fund that, as part of a Middle ast pac agent, would compensate Palstinian rugs who ar to b rattle in a Palstinian stat and Israel stars who ar r-absorbed into Israel. 3) Add groups such as Hamas, Islamic Jihad and Hzbollah to th US Governments list of terrorist groups with which it is illegal for any in US to associate. 4) Hlp th Palstinian's build a democratic, law-based and tolerant society by offering Canadas assistance in developing th Palstinian Authority's legislature and judiciary; skin to arab a multinational page to monitor th fairness of th Palstinian locations plan for January 2003; and promoting an nd to incident of anti-Israel and anti-Smith hard in Palstinian mosque, schools and media. 5) Us th U.
N. Secretary-General to pussy th creation of a permanent monitoring / investigation page (composed of both humanitarian and military xpress) that, with th agent of Israli's and Palstinian's, would b available to conduct inquiries into controversial military actions by Israel. 6) Column, quality and jointly, th Israel policy of target killings of lading Palstinian militants and th Palstinian's us of the civilian populations in or to should militants during Israel military actions; column, quality and jointly, Isral's demolition of th homs of th family of Palstinian suicide bombs and th Arab stats rewards to thos family. Words Count: 2, 231. Bibliography: Hersh, Seymour. The Samson Option: Israel, America and the Bomb. London and Boston: Faber and Faber, 1991.
Hourani, Albert. A History of the Arab Peoples. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1991. Ryan, Curtis. Jordan in Transition: From Hussein to Abdullah. Boulder, CO: Lynne Render Publishers, 2002.
Shipler, David. Arab and Jew: Wounded Spirits in a Promised Land. New York: Viking Penguin Inc, 1986.
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