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Example research essay topic: Current Issue On International Relations Kosovo Conflict - 1,252 words

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Current Issue on International Relations: Kosovo Conflict EU center has been dragged frm its pint as a result f war. NAT-Yugslavia conflict makes it possible t see sme cnfrntatins that EU and US have. As the end f the war in the Balkans cme's case, s the jb that Eurpe has already taken upn itself lms larger. It is being clear that the war could bring t an end the hegemony f America. It could braden greatly the site f Eurpe and present t Russia a new possibility f real partnership with the European continent f which it is a part - rather than a funny partnership with the American continent with which it has been in rivalry fr much f this century. But it could g ther wise.

The war could als drive Russia and China case together in a dislike f the west; it could deepen the alienation f central Eurpe; and it could continue the dependence f Eurpe n the US. Pluralism the affects the development f the relationships between EU and US in terms f violating the human rights. The first challenge is the hardest: t find the legality, as well as the legitimacy, f humanitarian intervention. Actin in Ksv did nt get the legal backing f the UN. NAT, in claiming that human rights were n its side, could nt convince the ther large players in the international game - especially China and Russia - that human-rights considerations were legitimate. The war has than int harsh relief what was nly fitfully evident before: that the defense f human rights - r, mre accurately, the aggressive protein f human rights in an arena, such as Ksv, where they are being brutalized - is a picture confined t the rich and secure world.

The rest f the world says it is hypocrisy: t them the real protein f universal human rights is far mre threatening than the Westphalian state, r defense f national sovereignty, and the non f a global balance f power. Glbalizatin the is expressed in this Ksv issue in the non f the shift f the balance f power in EU. nce the non f a humanitarianism that transcends national borders is elevated ut f vague declarations int actin, the international community reveals itself as a series f warring tribes. China can possible agree t take actin against a state fr trampling n civil rights, when it wn't all ther countries t question its wn record n this site. Russia, even with a quasi-democratic system, wants t leave its hands free fr a possible redrawing f its borders and a regathering f its exiled ethnic kin.

And India is already involved in a lw-level chat with Pakistan ver Kashmir that bears sme resemblance t the Ksv conflict. In these, and in smaller instances, the same rule applies: the yung nationalism and raw (r lack f) democracies f the nn-NAT states mean that they can share the human rights-based views f NAT members, even though these views are simply repetitions f international treaties, charters and agreements that also everyone has signed. T find a can basis fr real, rather than rhetorical, agreement is at nce urgent and exceedingly difficult - urgent nt just because the west can afford t become mired again in a conflict that the rest f the world condemns; urgent, because if we can make the realities that underpin foreign policies bth apparent and comprehensible, the division between the rich humanitarians and the developing rest f the world will become deeper. The send task, perhaps easier but certainly mre expensive, is t shift the expansion f Eurpe up the international agenda and for the Balkan states, in particular, the project f EU membership.

The EU has already committee sme f its wn funds t pay fr the reconstruction f Yugslavia. In place is a rather devilish division f last - the US pays fr the destruction f Yugslavia; Eurpe fr its reconstruction. Yet through the fund, industries in the regin can receive a large bst, and a pst-Milosevic government f Yugslavia can develop n a political platform that need nt be anti-western. T hasten the press f joining the EU fr states that are still weak, relatively pr and uncertain f their pst-communist natinhd is t take a number f demanding relatives int the family. Eurpe has nt lived under the mtt: Bring me yur pr, yur tired, yur huddled masses... - it was t used t existing them. T develop a Marshall Plan fr the Balkans is t pur billing f eur's int an area that will certainly misuse sme f them and will nt be property grateful fr a lng time.

It als brings Eurpe face t face with the problem f the free Sviet Unit. It is fairly clear that mst f the pst-Sviet world wants, in ne way r anther, t remain linked t the west, rather than t put itself under a Russian hegemony. The foreign ministers f the three Baltic states f Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania met recently t agree that they would create closely in seeking rapid entry t bth NAT and the EU. While these three states may be the mst likely t qualify in the next decade, the position f buffer states such as Media, Belarus and, are all, Ukraine nw becme's increasingly desperate, as they are trapped in an in-between world where there is neither a state-controlled economy nr capitalism, neither a functioning authoritarianism nr a functioning democracy. If they can get themselves ut f this position, the EU will see r later be free t make a decision - des it continue t wish them a nice day as they slide int anarchy r des it seek a way f reconstructing their states? It can find a way f ding this with a working agreement with Russia.

Russia has barely known itself fr much f the pst-Sviet period, s it has been unable t be much f a partner. But its interests lie in Eurpe. Russia may never be a member f the EU - though sme, such as the free Prime Minister, Your Guitar, want it t be s - but it must have a case partnership with it. Case partnerships are based n can values, and Russia has nt yet finally case the values f liberal globalism - the values f the US and Western Eurpe.

We have failed t persuade it t d s. When the reign f Bris Yeltsin ends, as it should d next summer, we shall have t try again. The western European leaders like t think f themselves as a new breed - left f center, capable f shaking themselves free f the dogmas f socialism and f the constricting f the ne-liberal right. But nw, in the pst-Ksv world, they face problems f global architecture that they were previously content t leave t the Americans; if they believe their wn rhetoric, they must site these problems in Eurpe and be prepared t pay fr the solutions, bear the consequences and be patient abut reaping the rewards. Ksv marks the end f amiable disengagement and contented grazing n the means f the peace dividend. We have learnt that Eurpe, in its vastness, is still a dangerous place, and that ur proclaimed values d nt all us simply t lck the gate against the dangers.

References: Gussman, Yan. Ksv Conflict, frm National Geographic, Issue: cover 2002. Michael, Konrad. Yugslavia Conflict: Issues, frm Eastern Ecnmist, Issue April 2003.


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Research essay sample on Current Issue On International Relations Kosovo Conflict

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