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... and entertainment industries. Female migrants from the Philippines were among the first group working in Japan and have been numerically dominant since the late 1970 s when this phenomenon of foreign labour began to emerge. Their initial entry has been facilitated by the introduction of a new visa category in the early 1980 s- euphemistically referred to as an "entertainers' visa" which allows for employment in the entertainment sector, usually as singers and dancers. But many end up working in the sex industry as hostesses, strippers, or prostitutes (Tyner 80, Mckinley et al. 25, Kazuko 10, Cwikel & Hoban 307), as well as in sexual trafficking. This visa is valid for two months and renewable up to a maximum of six months.
Women from the Philippines make up the majority of these visa-holders. Sexual trafficking has been defined as a "situation where women or girls cannot change the immediate conditions of their existence; where, regardless of how they got into those conditions, they cannot get out; and where they are subject to sexual violence and exploitation" (Kofman et al. 290). In countries where jobs are scarce, recruiters approach women with employment offers as models, dancers, or waiters abroad. Traffickers use a variety of false promises to capture the women who will soon serve as prostitutes. Women were lured by advertisements listing employment as au pairs, secretaries, and gardeners (Piper & Ball 539, Blanc 119, Cwikel & Hoban 307). dancers Other women "know that they will work as sex workers, but have no idea that they will be bought and sold as chattel and forced to work essentially as slaves" (Kuo 44) The traffickers arrange for the women's travel, passports, and visas.
Upon arrival to the foreign country, the traffickers confiscate their documents. Stranded and lacking proper documentation, the women are held captive and are forced to work off their debt by engaging in prostitution. If the women refuse to participate, they may be beaten and raped (Nelson 70). All the facts just demonstrate that these are women, by and large a politically and economically marginalized group hardly responsible for the power politics that typically lead to war, colonization and sanctions, who often get traumas resulting from the events. For women these events might mean not only coping with the distress of losing loved ones and income sources, it can also lead to increased workloads and stress as the burden of sustaining life and society is increasingly shifted into their hands. It also means the increased risks of sexual assault and other such serious traumas.
According to a recent study (Cwikel & Hoban 98) of the impact of military actions on women carried by the International Committee of the Red Cross: Women's experience living under colonization conditions is multifaceted - it means separation, the loss of family members and livelihood, an increased risk of sexual violence, wounding, deprivation and death. It forces women into unfamiliar roles and necessitates the strengthening of existing coping skills and the development of new ones (99). The future of any country under occupation is faint. particularly for women and children. The evidence is clear - military occupation of the Philippines led to an increase in the trafficking of women for prostitution. The presence of soldiers occupying the Philippines (the Spanish, American and Japanese colonialism) created a typical environment for the trafficking of women, sometimes even to meet soldiers' "rest and relaxation" needs.
Past practice of U. S. military officials in prostitution in countries, through licensing of brothels and medical exams for sex-trade workers has been documented, and red-light districts exist near American bases throughout the world, including the U. S. , Okinawa, and Germany. What gives credibility to such warnings is the massive poverty experienced by people, and the pressing need for food and shelter, especially for the children, in the absence of employment. Prostitution for survival, in turn, escalates "honor killing", a practice that has re-emerged from dormant traditions of tribe and kinship (Nelson 555).
The concentration of troops creates a demand for prostitution. This demand could drive the sex trafficking industry, with tacit approval by military officials. Victims of sexual trafficking are highly susceptible to HIV, AIDS, and the likely collusion of police and local government officials, who operate under the power of the military, would guarantee that prostitution thrives. As women and children generally bear the overwhelming fate of being the individuals ultimately responsible for the future of society-women through the maintenance of the family, and children through their educational and psychological development -- these signs do not bode well for the future of the Philippines. Unless these trends are reversed, we may once again be seeing the beginnings of a colonial-constructed barbarism; intellectually, psychologically and physically impoverished, and extremely disadvantaged from the onset. The urgency of these issues is paramount and we must look seriously at these issues, asking very difficult questions and opening dialogue between those individuals seriously committed to the well-being of all humanity and those most affected by the aforementioned realities.
Nevertheless, despite all these facts these women have always been a significant force within the Philippine opposition. For example, in response to the fraudulent parliamentary elections of 1978, Concerned Women of the Philippines was formed, an organization primarily of middle-to-upper class women united around a moderate opposition program. This was followed by organizations of women professionals, youth, urban poor, peasant, and urban workers: PILIPINA, Center for Women's Resources, Third World Movement Against the Exploitation of Women, Kaleyaan, Samakana, Samara, Makasama, KMK, Bang, Pilipinas (Schirmer & Shalom 210). With the assassination of Benigno Aquino, there was an upsurge in women's political activity. An all women's protest demonstration against the Marcos regime was held; a new militant women's organization WOMB (Women for the Ouster of Marcos and Boycott) was established; and coalitions and congresses of women's organizations began to form. The most significant of these coalitions was the militant General Assembly Binding Women for Reforms, Integrity, Equality, Leadership, and Action GABRIELA founded in March 1984 (Schirmer & Shalom 217).
All this was caused by the facts mentioned before. Moreover, sexual violence was seen as the key to controlling women political prisoners. Women who take control of their lives by political activism were often targets. Torture was essentially structural, done by a regime, which needs to stay in power unchallenged. Women were challenging that regime and were punished for it. Women political detainees routinely suffered sexual violence as a part of their interrogation, and rape was used to obtain information from the woman herself or from a husband, father, or son who was forced to watch (Kuo 48).
An example of why those all was, and partly is the case, is the economic background: the high inflation, high peso-dollar exchange rate, and ever-increasing foreign debts have resulted in greater poverty. As in other countries, statistics generally fail to identify those who suffer the most. Of course, women and children do, because of the Philippine economy closely tied to the U. S.
through multinational corporations and a corrupt government, which is supported monetarily and militarily. Moreover, a blatant manifestation of the oppression of women and the exploitation of Filipino people is the immense problem of prostitution. Several symposiums addressed the problem, identifying root causes and connections, and searching for responses. Some of the root causes named were: economic deterioration; internal neocolonial attitudes of men and women; government acceptance and encouragement; the former presence of foreign military bases; and the tourist industry.
Women from poor rural areas flock to Manila, Olongapo (site of the naval base), and Angeles (site of the air force base) in search of work. With the economy growing steadily worse, it is usually impossible to find work. Prostitution is the only alternative. The women who are victims of poverty resulting largely from foreign domination end up in cities where much of the economy revolves around a "Flesh Trade" catering to foreigners. The problem is economic and political rather than moral. The struggle of the Filipino people as a whole and the liberation of women go hand in hand.
Works Cited Blanc, Marie-Eve. Sexual Cultures. New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003. Blanchard, William H. Neocolonialism American Style, 1960 - 2000. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1996.
Coomaraswamy, Radhika. "Reinventing International Law: Women's Rights as Human Rights in the International Community. " Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 28. 2 (1996): 16 - 26. Cwikel, Julie, and Elizabeth Hoban. "Contentious Issues in Research on Trafficked Women Working in the Sex Industry: Study Design, Ethics, and Methodology. " The Journal of Sex Research 42. 4 (2005): 306. Fenster, To, ed. Gender, Planning, and Human Rights. London: Routledge, 1999. Kazuko, Watanabe. "Militarism, Colonialism, and the Trafficking of Women: "Comfort Women" Forced into Sexual Labor for Japanese Soldiers. " Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 26. 4 (1994): 3 - 15.
Kofman, Eleonore, Annie Phizacklea, Parvati Raghuram, and Rosemary Sales. Gender and International Migration in Europe: Employment, Welfare, and Politics. London: Routledge, 2000. Kuo, Michelle. "Asia's Dirty Secret. " Harvard International Review 22. 2 (2000): 42.
Mckinley, Brunson, Amanda Klekowski Von Koppenfels, and Frank Lack. "Challenges for the 21 st Century. " Forum for Applied Research and Public Policy 16. 2 (2001): 68. Nelson, Kathryn E. "Sex Trafficking and Forced Prostitution: Comprehensive New Legal Approaches. " Houston Journal of International Law 24. 3 (2002): 551 +. Questia. 26 Nov. 2006 < web >. Piper, Nicola, and Rochelle Ball. "Globalisation of Asian Migrant Labour: The Philippine-Japan Connection. " Journal of Contemporary Asia 31. 4 (2001): 533.
Scambler, Graham, and Annette Scambler, eds. Rethinking Prostitution: Purchasing Sex in the 1990 s. London: Routledge, 1997. Schirmer, Daniel B. , and Stephen Rosskamm Shalom, eds. A History of Colonialism, Neocolonialism, Dictatorship, and Resistance A History of Colonialism, Neocolonialism, Dictatorship, and Resistance.
Boston: South End Press, 1997. Shalom, Stephen R. "Campaign Notes Bases by Another Name: U. S. Military Access in the Philippines. " Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 29. 4 (1997): 78 - 81. Tyner, James A.
Made in the Philippines: Gendered Discourses and the Making of Migrants. New York: Routledge Curzon, 2004. Questia. 26 Nov. 2006 < web >.
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