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These aims will have far-reaching consequences in terms of opportunities for people and businesses through the achievement of an open world and an open economy. However, its success they claim will rest on a strong mutual feeling of certain values through a global commitment to help those affected by debt, environment and genocide. According to their plans, globalization is meant to serve as a great engine of economic growth, spurring innovation and making capital and labor much more productive than they were under protectionism. They are not ignorant of the fact that there are major obstacles to achieving their objectives such as undeveloped civil societies which leads to undemocratic regimes, there is a need for democratic leaders to announce a global war on poverty are a few. Nevertheless they stress hope in that the Asian economies who are known as tiger economies have shown great resolve and their exemplified advances has shown that the global economy has great potential.
Proponents of the Third Way argue that class is no longer the driving force in politics and that the old divisions of left and right are meaningless. They base their argument on the premise that in a world, which is rapidly in a constant state of flux in terms of technology and globalization. A new innovative and powerful form of politics is vital. They stress that there are no borders that cannot be transgressed in order to find the solutions deemed necessary for the problems facing the contemporary period. The politics of left and right should be interchangeable and no barriers to entry must exist between left and right if politics is to be prosperous. The undifferentiated neo-liberal use of the globalization argument is to a high degree ideological, mainly designed to make labor demands illegitimate, macroeconomics and the claim of all political responsibility for the outcome of the economy.
Thus it is one of the crucial watersheds between neo-liberal and social democratic politics how the term globalization is defined and which consequences are derived from it. For a critical use of the argument, that takes into consideration its conditions and limitations, two consequences are vital. This is a crucial period for the European Union. We need new thinking about democracy and economic development. Tony Giddens gives us some vital clues about how to achieve these aims. (Romano Prodi, President of the European Commission) The first is that the real shape and amount of globalization does not render macro-economic policies and political responsibility for the entire economy being obsolete. The second is that much of the political influence, which has been lost to globalization, can be regained and re-established at a regional level, an argument that is particularly valid for the European Union.
In addition, concepts to develop more comprehensive and effective transitional and even global regimes to regulate the global economy are no mere illusions. GATT shows that there is scope for political framework setting, which possibly is subject to further amplification if only there is the political, will to do so. It has been argued that Blair talks of a workforce that must compete in the global market place, no doubt against other workforces and with the cheapness of labor as their main selling point, this again is a distinctive policy framework maybe that of the previous conservatism government. They argue that Blair's Third Way has shown no intentions to alter the fact that will switch the million of pounds gifted to the transitional subsidies into investment for home based companies, which would not desert this country and their local workforce. In short, they stop short of declaring that Blair's Third Way government is powerless to do anything at all in the face of globalization and its not so free market forces.
Rethinking governance within the respective political roles of government and society is one of the central impulses of the Third Way. This concept has two dimensions. The first is a functional one; it stems from the experience that in highly complex modern societies it is increasingly difficult to try to steer the development of societies from a strategically political apex, which is placed at the top of the pyramid of society and unable to oversee to a sufficient extent its performances, problems and functions. The idea has become prominent that modern governance requires new forms of co-operation between the political system and civil society, in other words a new division of labor between state and social actors. Increasingly government becomes a partner of societal agents, acting as a broker, facilitating, inspiring and monitoring. The devolution of power to a certain extent seems to be a functional necessity in todays complex post-industrial societies.
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Research essay sample on Neo Liberal Global Economy
