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... e censors (EA, p 184). Under the emperor were eunuchs, who handled such areas as policing of other agencies and taxes, and a Grand Secretary, who advised the emperor and personally handled scripts and memos to and from the emperor. The emperor alone was in control of filling high positions, as well and approving or declining retirement.
Even in testing for official court posts were given by the emperor for "official ranking and appointment to a post (EA, p 188). " In a country as large as China, such power only went so far. Provincial and city rule fell largely into the hands of the local magistrates, whereas in Korea, the Kim's can enjoy the full power over a small country, working in to vacant positions those partisans supporting Kim. To ensure this rule, Chinese confucianist laid out careful rules that required the naming of the first consort, secondary wife and so forth, as well as the naming of the 'eldest imperial son' (15, p 29). Princes and other contenders for the throne were sent into the provinces or otherwise removed. Much the same is done in North Korea (The NK Comm).
In China, the emperor was the absolute center of power, the final decision to any matter in a centralized government who was "subject to no higher law or institutional checks. Power was concentrated in him personally. He had to be either a benevolent despot or tyrant, or else his power exercised by others... (EA, p 181). " Much of the same can be said about North Korea: "It was through these members (of the Worker's Party) that the party exercised central direction of all political, economic and cultural activities... (p 57). " To remove the possibility of contention, Kim Il Sung systematically removed anyone he felt as a threat. This was done through a number of means.
Initially, with Soviet backing, Kim began filling posts with those sympathetic to his cause. In addition, as he and his supporters began rewriting history, Kim failed to give mention to those in Manchuria who supported and worked with him. Anyone who spoke against him, or even those not in favor of him, was labeled as right-wing, left-wing, sympathizer, or many other numerous terms to be removed. Some of his most powerful opponents who could not be so easily removed found themselves in posts with little real authority. As with China, "abolish the central administrative organ of past dynasties... the emperor's rule was to be personal and direct... [a] more autocratic rule (EA, p 181). " Other interesting aspects of dynastic rule are the hierarchy system, the distribution of land, community organization and the indoctrination through education and ritual.
There are striking similarities in both the Chinese dynasties and the North Korean 'dynasty. ' China, of course, had a hierarchy system based around the emperor. Below him were the official, then the magistrates land owners, farmers and further to encompass all aspects of society. According to Confucian ethics, scholars at the top, farmers below that and at the bottom were merchants and those that dealt with butchering and the dead. During the Yi Dynasty of Korea, "society was organized into hereditary classes. At the top of the heap was the king, who had almost god-like authority (Looking, p 13). " In the DPRK today, according to Norman Levin, a senior analyst at Rand Corporation: "If Kim Il Sung said white is black, he could make it stick (Who Is, p 19). " And, as with the placement of bureaucrats at the top and merchants at the bottom in China, "North Korea would rather negotiate with bureaucrats than businessmen, even about economics (NK Under, p 7). " For North Korea, although it is a socialist-based system, there is still a hierarchy. In The North Korean Communist Leadership, "according to Kim, the party operated in accordance with democratic centralism, which requires lower organs to obey higher organs, the minority to obey the majority, and the individual members to obey the organizations. " (p 57) This is not fully the case, as the few in control have absolute control over the many. "The regime classifies 27 % of the population as 'hostile', and a further 45 % as 'unstable'.
The North Koreans at the bottom are excluded from opportunities and positions of power, and they get less to eat (Looking, p 13). " While communism places the workers or masses at the same level, the leaders live at a level far above that of the commoners, who are starving. Below the leaders are the fortunate few who live in the major cities who are apparently there to keep up appearances and the military, which consumes much of the countries resources. Also, North Korea implemented collective farming, which was common in China for tenant farmers: In the First Three-Year Economic Plan (1954 - 56) "collectivization was to be introduces into 'certain areas for experimental purposes (p 101). '" Beyond that, as with socialist manifest and Confucian ideals, capitalism is held in little respect: .".. to reduce what remained of the private sector... tax and price controls (were implemented) under the pretext of 'limiting the development of capitalist elements. '" (p 102) But, as with China, land was nominally distributed to the privileged. For China, this meant the officials and landowners.
For the DPR, this meant only those who, in 1948, would joined the Communist Party (The NK Comm Ldr, p 56). The next common factor was the mobilization of community affairs. Whereas the landowners of Ming China would mobilize citizens for community projects, such as the repairing of dikes and the building of canals, community groups in North Korea formed "brigades of mutual aid (NK Comm, p 56) " to help one another. Also, the land-owner class of Ming China was separated into groups of ten, one of which oversaw the others, and were "classified into 3, 5, or 9 grades and were obliged to provide labor service... (EA, p 187). " The DPR follows a similar system, but a five household system more akin to the Yi Dynasty system that had a "five-house security system. " (Looking, p 13) Furthermore, Korean citizens are "called upon to demonstrate their active devotion by providing manual labour in their free time, " (Kim the Father, p 57) just as the case in Imperial China, such as in the building of the canals and the Great Wall. The Chinese system of Confucian learning provided the core of government officials and the means of indoctrinating the society. The education system was based off of the memorization of specified Confucian texts.
Although East Asia in Transition expresses that '[o]ne weakness of the system was its restriction of subject matter, " (p 190) it certainly achieved its goal of indoctrination. In doing so, officials were supposedly imbibed with Confucian morals and spirit. "[Imperial-era confucianist's] approved of ritual and ceremony, but primarily for the supposed educational and psychological effects on those participating. " (China, p 104) Although the peasantry was largely uneducated, the officials and magistrates were expected to display these Confucian qualities and the principles would thus be imparted upon the lower class. Also, as Neo-Confucianism gained force, officials were expected to oversee the practice of Confucian rituals among the peasantry. In addition, if one wanted access to higher levels of society, these Confucian practices were essential. In this way, the value system permeated Chinese society. Poetry and stories were used to learn these principles.
Use of "folk songs, popular drama, and literature and the arts were the objects of government's and scholar's attention (China, p 105). " Parades and elaborate festivals were devoted to the emperor and "postings of Confucian moral prescripts are hung in every village (p 194). " In North Korea, education is used much the same way. School texts are those which teach the Marxist and June principles. Children recite songs devoted to the Great and Dear Leaders. Parades and demonstrations are given in their honor. The citizens wear lapel pins with the visage of the Great Leader. (In the Land, p 58) It seems that they follow the tradition of Yang-Ming (1472 - 1529) who advocated "both spiritual enlightenment through meditative self-examination and vigorous ethical activism within society. " (EA, p 192) Another interesting aspect of both modern Chinese and North Korean Communist states, the punitive system of self-reflection is put to use. In such a way, the dynastic system kept control.
Even when the centralized government lacked full control, when the economy was bad, harvest was poor, or whatever the case may have been, the system continued. When one dynasty faded, the next was able to fill in the vacuum of the administration as the society itself generally maintained itself. East Asia in Transition states that "China's inveterate unity must be explained on institutional grounds, by the habits of thoughts and actions that had b...
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Research essay sample on Kim Il Sung North Korea
