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... lipase of human beings. In this context Islam is believed to be superior to democracy in guaranteeing the unity of umma since it calls for a consensus rather than the rule of the majority. The principle of shura is now presented by many as 'the functional equivalent of Western parliamentary rule, and as the basis of authentic Islamic democracy' because it 'demands open debate among both the ulema and the community at large on issues that concern the public. ' (Kramer, 1993: 7, Abootalebi, 1999: 16) The importance of consultation as part of an Islamic traditions is recognized extensively. Shura may be carried out formally, or through an assembly or council (majlis). This clearly shows Islams compatibility with democracy.
Supporters of democracy have tried to expand the idea of consultation during the nineteenth and twentieth century. Most scholars agree that the decisions affecting the life of umma have to be made by the community itself and this should now involve the development of an assembly of representatives. 'Shura thus becomes a key operational element in the relationship between Islam and democracy. ' (Esposito and Voll, 1996: 28) However, there are some controversies regarding the notion of shura. It does not define the process of consultation. Is it binding for the ruler to seek umma's advice and is he bound by the verdicts of those consulted? Such disagreements again allow for various interpretations and may support both authoritarianism and democracy. 'Principles of shura manifest in relationships between ruler and ruled in modern-day states are highly restricted and are not inclusive of all in a society. ' (Milton-Edwards, 2004: 116) The possibility of opposition and disagreement to the laws of the ruler is highly limited in such conditions. Any such disagreement may be interpreted as the cause of final, another Islamic concept that strongly contradicts the freedoms of expression of liberal democracy.
It requires total submission to the ruler. Muslims must listen to their leader, be passive and obey. Revolt is not tolerated in Islam and the umma cannot be divided. This concept can be used by the ruler to accuse the opposition in threats to Muslim faith and legitimize the persecutions because the Quran instructs the umma to actively oppose final: 'Kill them whenever you meet them, and expel them from anyplace from which they expelled you, because their final is worse evil than the act of killing. ' (The Holy al-Quran, 2: 189 - 190) Final justifies the great reluctance of the rulers to allow for unlimited freedom of speech. It encourages the limited acceptance of pluralism within the framework of Islam only and recognizes that any kind of authority is better than anarchy. If someone disagrees with this framework they are labeled the enemies of Islam. 'As long as there is no certainty as to who defines the 'framework of Islam, ' and where exactly power and interest come into play, pluralism and democracy remain in jeopardy. ' (Kramer, 1993: 8) The concept provides much of the debate over the rights of opposition in democratizing Muslim societies.
There are a number of shared assumptions at the core of contemporary writing about the relationship between Islam and democracy. Islams traditions of the equality of people as Gods agents, the sole sovereignty of God, the existence of government to ensure an Islamic life and enforce Islamic law and that the head of the state is a mere representative of the umma that can dispose of him at any time, each contribute to the debate of the compatibility of Islam and liberal democracy. All of these traditions, however, can be interpreted to support both liberal democracy and authoritarianism. There seems to be no immediate solution to the debate, except for the fact that Muslims are not willing simply to adopt Western democratic models.
Such scholars as Huntington, Kedourie and Kramer argue that Islam is uniquely undemocratic and that the Muslim world can never democratize. They contend that Islam is simply lacking the institutions and structure for democracy to grow. They stress the reluctance of Islam to adopt Western values and question Islams ability to deliver a representative and accountable regime. To quote Bernard Lewis: ' in principle the (Islamic) state was Gods state, ruling over Gods people; the law was Gods law; the army was Gods army; and the enemy, of course, was Gods enemy the history of Islamic states is one of almost unrelieved autocracy. ' (Lewis, 1993: 6) Others, like Soroush, Milton-Edwards and Midlarsky name other reasons for the lack of democracy in Muslim domains and argue that 'Islam and democracy are not only compatible, their association is inevitable.
In a Muslim society, one without the other is not perfect. ' (Soroush in Wright, 1996: 68) However, the critics of Islam are right about Muslims not willing to adopt the Western style of democracy. Instead Korany (1994) suggests that it should the other way around and democracy should employ and respect the principles of Islam if it is to be successful in Muslim states: 'if Western democracy wants indeed to travel, it has to learn the language of the countries it visits. Such familiarity with non-Western contexts will help this latest Western product to indigence, get universalized, and lose in the process some of its negative historical connotations. ' (Korany, 1994: 512) Bibliography. Abootalebi, Ali R. , 'Islam, Islamists, and Democracy', Middle East Review of International Affairs, Vol. 3, No. 1 (March 1999), pp. 14 - 24.
El-So, Rapid, 'Islamist Attitudes towards Democracy: A Review of the Ideas of al-Ghazali, al-Turbo and Amara. ', British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1 (1993), pp. 57 - 63. Esposito, John L. , and Voll, John O. , (1996) Islam and Democracy, New York: Oxford University Press. Freedom of the World 2006, Selected Data from Freedom Houses Annual Global Survey of Political Rights and Civil Liberties. Fukuyama, Francis, 'Entering Post-History', New Perspectives Quarterly, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Fall 1989) p. 50. Hague, Rod, and Harrop, Martin, (2004) Comparative Government and Politics An Introduction, 6 th Edition, New York: Palgrave. Korany, Bahdat, 'Arab Democratization: A Poor Cousin?' , PS: Political Science and Politics, Vol. 27, No. 3, (Sep. , 1994), pp. 511 - 513.
Kramer, Gudrun, 'Islamist Notions of Democracy', Middle East Report, No. 183, Political Islam (Jul. Aug. , 1993), pp. 2 - 8. La Porta, Rafael, Lopez-de-Silanes, Florence, Shleifer, Andrei, and Vishnu, Robert W. , 'Trust in Large Organisations', American Economic Review, Vol. 87, No. 2 (1997), pp. 333 - 338. Lewis, Bernard, (1993) Islam and the West, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Mawdudi, Sayyid Abul Ala, (1967) Islamic Way of Life, Deals: Markazi Maktaba Islami. Mawdudi, Sayyid Abul Ala, (1976) 'Political Theory of Islam', in Khurshid Ahmad, ed. , Islam: Its Meaning and Message, London: Islamic Council of Europe. Milton-Edwards, Beverley, (2004) Islam and Politics in the Contemporary World, Polity Press: Cambridge. The Meaning of the Holy Quran, Complete Translation with Selected Notes by Abdullah Yusuf Ali, (2003) Islamic Foundation: UK. Voigt, Stefan, 'Islam and the Institutions of the Free Society', The Independent Review, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Summer 2005), pp. 59 - 82.
Wright, Robin, 'Two Visions of Reformism', Journal of Democracy, Vol. 7, No. 2 (April 1996), pp. 64 - 75. Zubaida, Sami, (1993) Islam: the People and the State, London: I. B. Tours.
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