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... governments today. Under the guise of promoting national cultural identity, indigenous forms of theatre provide a channel for the promotion of official policies. As well as providing an outlet for propaganda this linear, top-down approach is also considered by some in authority as a more convenient and less expensive way of transmitting information. In addition to governments, many INGOs (international non-governmental organizations) promote the incorporation of locally based and devised theatre within African development projects because they are generally viewed as more popular, successful and democratic than top-down approaches based on material produced and implemented by foreigners or urban elites which often fail to match the requirements and concerns of local audiences (Bourgault, 2003). An example of Tf D that is focused on the transmission of information rather than on the radical restructuring of society can be found in Mali where a pre-colonial theatrical form called Korea has been endorsed by the government to promote AIDS awareness.
Stock characters, themes, music and dance based on existing cultural stereotypes act as vehicles for passing on instructional information, and can communicate messages which would normally be unacceptable in mixed or formal company. Humour is often successfully used as way of attracting audiences and keeping their attention in order to ensure they remain present when any development messages are delivered. While this style of performance is popular and serves as a vehicle for disseminating information it cannot be describes as empowering. Firstly, performances are scripted and performed by actors thus providing no opportunity for spectators to enter into the creative process, which is a key element to raising peoples consciousness. Secondly, the stock characters are taken from long-standing theatrical genre and as such are ingrained with sexual stereotyping.
This in turn raises concerns about the extent to which the use of highly gendered representations which reaffirm patriarchal hierarchies, encompass profound double standards between the sexes, and reinforce assumptions that women are responsible for the AIDS epidemic, actually contributes to the spread of AIDS rather than preventing it. Furthermore, one can question the appropriateness of using humour as a means of disseminating information about such a life-threatening topic. While it may be a useful device for appealing to audiences there is a danger that the humour will dilute the perceived threat of the disease, or by making it more acceptable take the viewer beyond awareness (Bourgault, 2003). Therefore, while such initiatives may have some effective as a means of delivering information, it is unlikely that they will result in any long term changes to peoples attitudes or behaviour.
The top-down approach to development communication has been criticized by communication and development experts for disregarding grassroots initiative, for being culturally insensitive, and for continuing a cycle of dependency (Musa, 1998). Moreover, geared as it is towards modernization and mass mobilization as opposed to raising awareness, this top-down unidirectional style of information flow from experts to grassroots lay receivers level provides little or no opportunity for dialogue or consultation (Musa, 1998; Bourgault, 2003). The result is that the assessment of social development problems tends to be nave, short-sighted and based on adherence to the constraints of political pragmatism (Mda, 1993). Another concern relates to how Tf D projects often end up being appropriated by governments as a means of legitimize existing power structures and giving a veneer of government interest and involvement in extreme forms of cultural expression. Funding usually comes from a mixture of local government bodies, international aid agencies and development agencies. Okagbu (1998) argues the funding situation enables the funding authorities or agencies in the end to high jack Theatre for Development projects into mediums for communicating or transmitting government propaganda programmes to target communities in a top-to-bottom / centre -to-periphery form of communication (1998: 26).
The common centre-periphery relationship between funding authorities and fieldworkers means that in many Tf D projects the agenda is set by those who are providing the funding, and development themes are communicated to theatre practitioners without them being given the opportunity to add their own input regarding the content or structure of the theatre project. The autonomy of Tf D practitioners can be restricted and a situation of dependence and control created. This unidirectional relationship is then reflected in the one-way information flow between theatre workers and host communities. The result is that in practice there is a tendency for Tf D projects to revert back to the paternalistic practices which support government hegemony, rather than fulfilling its broader function as a mechanism for conscientisation and liberalization. Moreover, instead of operating in the interests of those they are supposed to be assisting Mda (1993) contends that international funding agencies such as UNESCO are inclined to promote the interests of the government. As such there is a tendency to focus on problems that can be solved locally whilst sidestepping their underlying structural causes.
Aid agencies also tend to favour Tf D projects that can be shown to produce quick and measurable results in order to justify the spending of funds. In his critique of a Tf D project commissioned by the government in Ghana Okagbu (1998) provides a useful illustration of how the control of funding can hamper the freedom of theatre practitioners to pursue an awareness raising agenda over and above their role as facilitators of message delivery. The Ghanese authorities wanted a Tf D project that would transmit information to the masses in a top-down manner as part of a national adult literacy campaign. Despite recommendation from the theatre practitioners that the workshop be based on a participatory model the government insisted on an agitprop approach incorporating role-play within the restricted bounds of the literacy programme agenda. Okagbu posits that a reason why the authorities preferred this mode of theatre was because of concerns over the potential threat to the status quo and the challenge to ruling power which could arise from critical consciousness developing amongst the masses.
The main issue which emerged during the research process centred on the community's lack of shared identity and trust. However, the performances which took place only reflected the governments development policy agenda, and whilst the performances were well received by the audience Okagbu doubts whether there were any long term benefits. He argues that if practitioners had been allowed to use participatory performance production as they had wanted the unity and bonding which would have occurred would have helped build the sense of group identity which the community was seeking. By neither able to act or direct performances relating to their own lives, the opportunity for empowerment was lost. Whilst government control over funding prevented the workshop in Ghana from functioning as mechanism for conscientiasation, Abah (1997) provides an example of how Tf D can be successful both in terms of message delivery and empowerment. Forming part of the larger Area District Theatre-for-Development Workshop, the project was organised by the Nigerian Popular Theatre Alliance (NPTA) which received funding assistance from a number of national and international agencies.
The projects aims were to explore the agricultural situation in Onyuwei, a rural village in Nigeria, and two other local communities, identify problems and aspirations of both the farmers and the wider social group, and to mobilise them towards agricultural and social development. Onyuwei is a remote village which becomes cut off from outside physical contact during the annual rainy season due to a network of surrounding rivers that flood. By the time the water recedes each year the bridge and roads which connect the community to the outside world have been rendered unusable. These transport routes are crucial because they are used to bring supplies to the village and enable farmers to move their produce for external sale. As such, while the workshop practitioners opening agenda had been focused on agricultural issues, the main development priority expressed by the villagers during the workshop was the importance of finding an effective way of dealing with the annual destruction of their main path of travel. As a result of the theatre workshop and follow-up meetings, the community decided to establish a communal farm project as a means of generating income which could be used to fund annual bridge repairs.
The community, with assistance from the NPTA a proposal was submitted to the government requesting a grant for setting up this income generating project. Funding was approved, and used to create on-going farming project from which the income was used to pay for the annual bridge reconstruction as well as other community projects. In addition to the material gains, Abah gives an example of how the workshop may have attributed to the empowerment of the community in another way. Four years into the farming project there was a disagreement between the women and the men over whether to sew the same crop a second year. During a village meeting a woman, who had been a vocal participant in the Tf D workshop, explained their reason for objecting to the mens choice was because too much of it had been consumed by the community and as result not enough money had been raised through its sale. Another female participant of the workshop suggested that if the men insisted on pursing their own choice then they could also do all the ridging and weeding on the farm - the women got their way.
Abah posits that the womens strength to pursue what they wanted and the discussion and resolution of the disagreement could be attributed to empowerment stemming from the Tf D workshop. The effectiveness of this workshop highlights the advantage of development recipients identifying their own problems as opposed to external groups making assumptions about a community's development requirements without knowing their specific situation. It also shows the interconnected and complex nature of development difficulties and how important proper diagnosis is to finding a long-term resolution. However Abah (1997; 1990) also makes the important point that while Tf D might succeed in raising peoples consciousness their access to material resources remains the same, which means that suggestions made during workshops can remain unobtainable, leading to a crisis of unfulfilled expectations. Furthermore, the practical application of development takes place off stage and as such, theatre alone does bring about concrete improvements, it must be linked to grassroots or political movements engaged in fighting for advancement. Unfortunately this infrastructure is lacking in many regions, meaning the problem for many Tf D initiatives striving for community empowerment resides not in how to affiliate to existing groups but in how to assist in their proliferation.
This leads one to wonder whether the only way Tf D can be truly effective as a means of empowerment is when there are concrete resources to support it. Furthermore, Morrison (2003) points out that there are no quantitative means of measuring changes in behaviour due to peoples awareness being raised. This makes it problematic to tangibly gage how effective a Tf D workshop is in its function as a process of empowerment. In conclusion, it is clear that Tf D incorporates a broad range of practices, which can be applied in a number of ways and that the extent and longevity of a projects impact is heavily affected by these various factors.
The smaller the amount of participation at a grassroots level, the less effective Tf D can be, not only at transmitting information but also at bringing about the changes in peoples thinking and behaviour which is necessary for successful long-term development. The most valuable and efficient form of Tf D embraces the belief that development is about more than fiscal growth and delivering development policy messages, and that it is through the development of culture that the necessary conditions are created through which real improvement in living standards can be obtained (Mlama, 1991). BIBLIOGRAPHY: Abah, S. O. (2002) Creativity, participation and change in Theatre for Development practice, The Performance Arts in Africa: A Reader. (ed. ) F.
Harding, p. 159 173. London: Routledge Abah, S. O. (1997) Performing Life: Case Studies in the Practice of Theatre for Development. Zaria: Sheet Books Abah, S.
O. (1990) Participatory Theatre: issues and cases, The Practice of Community Theatre In Nigeria. (ed. ) I. H. Higher, p. 14 24. Lagos: Society of Nigerian Theatre Artists Baker, J. A. (1998) Satires in Theatre for Development practice in Tanzania, African Theatre for Development: Art for Self Determination, (ed. ) K. Salhi, p. 115 133.
Exeter: Intellect Books Boal, A. (1979) Theatre of the Oppressed. London: Pluto Press By, L. D. (1999) Community in Motion: Theatre for Development in Africa. Westport: Bergin & Garvey Done, E. (2002) Visibility, eloquence and silence, women and theatre or development in Ghana, African Theatre, Women. (ed. ) J. Plastow, p. 83 98. Oxford: James Current Ltd Etherton, M. (1982) The Development of African Drama.
London: Hutchinson & Co. (Publishers) Ltd Freire, P. (1972) Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Harmondsworth: Penguin Higher, I. H. (ed. ) (1990) The Practice of Community Theatre In Nigeria. Lagos: Society of Nigerian Theatre Artists Harding, F. (1998) Neither fixed masterpiece nor popular distraction: voice, transformation and encounter in Theatre for Development, African Theatre for Development: Art for Self Determination, (ed. ) K. Salhi, p. 43 68. Exeter: Intellect Books Harding, F. (ed. ) (2002) The Performance Arts in Africa: A Reader.
London: Routledge Laws, P. (1998) Didactic showmen: theatre for development in contemporary South Africa, African Theatre for Development: Art for Self Determination, (ed. ) K. Salhi, p. 43 68. Exeter: Intellect Books Mda, Z. (1993) When People Play People. London: Zed Books Mlama, P. M. (1988) Culture and Development: The Popular Theatre Approach in Africa.
Sweden: Motala Grafiska, Motala Morrison, J. (2003) AIDS Education in Africa: the uses of traditional performance, Soul Beat Africa Communication for Change. September 2003 [online] [Accessed January 6 th, 2006 ] Musa, B. A. (1998) Popular theatre and development communication in West Africa: paradigms, processes and prospects, African Theatre for Development: Art for Self Determination. (ed. ) K. Salhi, p. 43 68.
Exeter: Intellect Books Plastow, J. (1996) African Theatre and Politics: the Evolution of Theatre in Ethiopia, Tanzania and Zimbabwe: a Comparative Study. Amsterdam: Rodopi Salhi, K. (ed. ) (1998) African Theatre for Development: Art for Self Determination. Exeter: Intellect Books
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