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... eir well, equipped ammunition smuggling boats, they would take the delivery of opium chests from the foreigners' receiving ships around the coasts of China. Gradually, the number of illicit smuggling increased in Chinese waters, particular in the north of Canton (Fairbank, Reischauer, Craig 452). As a consequence, opium addiction and illegal smuggling soared corrupting the government and China spiraled into what some call the worst drug case in human history. So what was proposed to resolve this crisis?
The imperial court considered opium as a social ill and banned its use and importation repeatedly. Nevertheless, greed of big profits had grown as the trade had grown. "As the higher authorities became more vulnerable to exposure, blackmail, or censure, they found it safest to drive the contraband trade out of their immediate jurisdiction" (Fairbank, Reischauer, Craig 452). The trading of the coastlines of China became even more difficult to control. With greater opium supplies, it had naturally attributed an increase in demand and usage throughout the country, in spite of repeated prohibitions by the Chinese government and officials. The British did all they could to increase the trade: They bribed officials, helped the Chinese work out elaborate smuggling schemes to get the opium into China's interior, and distributed free samples of the drug to innocent victims. For example, in 1936, Great Britain smuggled eight million pounds of opium into China -- "about $ 18 million worth-and purchased only $ 17 million of tea, silk and other goods" ("Imperial Pushers: Britain, China and the Opium War" 2).
Opium alone had resuscitated the British economy; however, China's dilemma increased. The problem grew to such great proportions that in 1839, the Qing Emperor assigned Lin Tse-hsu, who was appointed as an Imperial Commissioner, to end the opium traffic. Lin Tse-hsu was sent to Canton to achieve what was necessary to end the traffic forever. Lin was able to put his first two proposals into effect easily: addicts were rounded up, forcibly treated, and taken off the habit, and domestic drug dealers were harshly punished. His third objective was to confiscate foreign stores and force foreign merchants to sign pledges of good conduct, agreeing never to trade in opium and to be punished by Chinese law if ever found in violation (Thomas 1). In addition, he also addressed two petitioning letters to Queen Victoria to restrain Britain's drug merchants. "The wealth of China is used to profit the barbarians, " he wrote. "By what right do they then in return use the poisonous drug to injure the Chinese people?
Even though the barbarians may not necessarily intend to do us harm, yet in coveting profit to an extreme, they have no regard for injuring others. Let us ask, where is your conscience?" (Teng and Fairbank 25). In addition to these ways of resolving the opium trading and the illegal smuggling, Lin also suggested ways of a resolution for China's manufacturing and opium addiction. He proposed that anyone who dared to plant and manufacture opium would be strictly punished. As for the Chinese citizens who smoked or sold, they would all face the death penalty (de Baby, Chan, Tan 8). However, there were different thoughts from the other imperial officials of handling the smuggling and addiction of opium.
Some of these higher authorities proposed that if opium smokers were to receive the punishment of death, while on the other hand, the illicit smugglers were only to face mild penalties, injustice would result because the smugglers would continue to find it convenient to smuggle just as it was. Governor-General of Hu-Kwang, one of the imperial officials believed that placing the death penalty would not only irresolute the problem of Chinese citizens smoking opium, but make matters worse. As he stated, "When severe legislation is first made, to be sure, they will be frightened almost to death. But presently they will think that the limited time is yet far away and decide to stop smoking at the very last moment. When that last moment draws near, they find it is impossible to part with the habit abruptly. Then the victims will still be too numerous for execution" (Document No. 6 of Packet 221).
Governor Hu-Kwang inquired certain steps had to be taken in order to resolve the problem. For example, a complete destruction of the instruments used for smoking such as the pipe and the bowl had to be put into effect, the provinces needed to make public proclamations placing the people to improve their habit and the one-year limit were to be distinguished into four periods to enhance up their improvement, local officials were held responsible for the search of opium or smoking instrument, and other methods were implied (Document No. 6 of Packet 221 - 225). Overall, many insinuations were directed in dealing with the opium problem In conclusion, the cost of the opium trade between the West and China was enormous. The factors of Britain occupying India for the production and trading of opium and Britain's revenge of recollecting its silver back led to the commencement of the opium trade with China. As long as there was a demand for consumption in opium, enough people addicted to smoking it, and the Chinese government's prohibitions was ineffective, Britain was able to collect all of its silver back.
With China's government hopelessly lost in corruption, its people also faced gigantic chaos. By the late 19 th century, many citizens such as wealthy women, businessmen, and even peasants, no matter what class these people were in, the majority of the Chinese population were affected by the addiction of the narcotic. Opium weakened a large percentage of the Chinese population and deprived away of the country's treasury of silver. Consequently, the Opium war resulted for China and in the end she was swept with great tantalization and embarrassment in being defeated by the British. De Baby, Wm. Theodore, Wing-that Chan, and Chester Tan.
Sources of Chinese Tradition. New York: Columbia University Press, 1960. Fairbank, John K. , Edwin O'Reischauer, and Albert M. Craig. East Asia. Boston: Houghton "Imperial Pushers: Britain, China and the Opium War. " web dispatches / thirteen / 13 features.
html (16 August 1999). Spence, Jonathan D. The Search for Modern China. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Teng, Ssu-yu, and John K.
Fairbank. China's Response to the West. Cambridge: Harvard "The Opium War and the Treaty of NanKing. " web china/ 1996 /EACP WorkBook / modern /opium. htm (16 August 1999) "The Governor-General of Hu-Kwang Proposes Rigid Prohibition of Opium. " Document No. 6. Bibliography: Works-Cited Page De Baby, Wm. Theodore, Wing-that Chan, and Chester Tan.
Sources of Chinese Tradition. New York: Columbia University Press, 1960. Fairbank, John K. , Edwin O'Reischauer, and Albert M. Craig. East Asia. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1989. "Imperial Pushers: Britain, China and the Opium War. " web dispatches / thirteen / 13 features.
html (16 August 1999). Spence, Jonathan D. The Search for Modern China. New York: W. W.
Norton & Company, 1990. Teng, Ssu-yu, and John K. Fairbank. China's Response to the West. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982. "The Opium War and the Treaty of NanKing. " web china/ 1996 /EACP WorkBook / modern /opium. htm (16 August 1999) "The Governor-General of Hu-Kwang Proposes Rigid Prohibition of Opium. " Document No. 6. 10 July 1838.
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Research essay sample on Cambridge Harvard Opium War
