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Example research essay topic: Ruling Elite Ordinary Citizens - 1,816 words

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Political Science We live in time when more and more people, throughout the world, doubt the effectiveness of democracy. They realize that the political processes in democratic countries are defined by the power balance between those in charge, rather than by the will of ordinary citizens. The political theories of Walter Lippman and Samuel Popkin represent the conservative opinion about the nature of political process. There are many similarities between them, but we also can find a few differences.

Let us analyze the theory of Walter Lippmann first. We would not be able to understand the true significance of his figure in the American politics, in the first half of the twentieth century, if we do not learn about his biographical background. He was born in 1889 in New York, to the family of rich Jewish bankers. After graduating from Harvard University, Lippmann began his journalist carrier, becoming much-respected figure in political circles. In 1913, he published his Preface to Politics, which prompted president Wilson to appoint Lippmann as his personal advisor. It is remarkable that that the pro-war political campaign, organized by Lippman in 1916 was able to sway public opinion towards supporting U.

S. entrance in World War One, even though that the main reason for the election of Woodrow Wilson as American president was his promise to the citizens to never let America being involved in European wars. Apparently, Lippmann was well aware of the inner political mechanism in America at the time. In 1925, he published his most important book Phantom Public, which is now considered as a best example of Machiavellian thought of twentieth century. In this work Lippmann argued that the only time when the factor of public support begins to play role in politics, is when there is no unity in political elite: When power, however absolute and unaccountable, reigns without provoking a crisis, public opinion does not challenge it. Somebody must challenge arbitrary power first.

The public can only come to his assistance (Lippmann, p. 35). This statement is nothing but denial of the most important principle, upon which democracy is based the will of the masses, as factor that defines politics through institution of representatives. Lippmann only assigns a passive role to the public, when it comes to designing political policies. In this respect, his ideas closely resemble the ideas of Gustav Le Bon, a famous French sociologist, whose book The Psychology of the Crowd was cherished by both Hitler and Lenin. Lippmann rightly suggests that the single individual is essentially an apolitical being. Yet, the crowd consists of such beings and it, nevertheless, is highly political.

Its political awareness is primitive though, that is why it can be easily manipulated with. In very cynical manner, Lippmann assesses the role of symbols and rituals, as tools of political elite to govern masses: The detached observer may scorn the "star-spangled" ritual which hedges the symbol, perhaps as much as the king who told himself that Paris was worth a few masses. But the leader knows by experience that only when symbols have done their work is there a handle he can use to move a crowd (Lippman, p. 78). Author of Fantom Public has no illusion in regards of transcendent symbol true nature. Still, I think this is because Lippman was simply unable to understand that idealism plays a big role in politics, right up to this day. It appears that this is because that throughout his life Lippman also used to promote Jewish secularism, which denies idealism and only evaluates political processes from practical point of view.

Lippman contracts himself when he says that When public opinion attempts to govern directly it is either a failure or a tyranny. It is not able to master the problem intellectually, nor to deal with it except by wholesale impact (Lippman, p. 96), at the same time he promotes the tyranny of elite. The elite, of course, consists of chosen people Yet, Lippman does not find anything immoral in it. Part tially, this is because that the term morality is simply is not in his vocabulary. According to Lippman, it is in the interest of public to have a closed cast of professionals, which is to exercise the right of absolute authority over the public affairs. The ordinary citizens, in his opinion, are nothing but a herd that needs to be led around: The random collection of bystanders who constitute the public could not, even if they had a mind to, intervene in all the problems of the day Normally they leave their proxies to a kind of professional public consisting of more or less eminent persons.

Most issues are never carried beyond this ruling group; the lay publics catch only echoes of the debate (Lippman, p. 123). Lippmann has also played a big role in shaping public opinion at the time before the Second World War. Just like in 1918, there was absolutely no reason for United States to enter the War. There was a strong isolationist sentiment in America, after the end of First World War. People rightfully doubted whether it was so nesses ary to sacrifice the lives of 100. 000 American soldiers, in order for few weapon manufactures to be able to make fortune, within a matter of year. But again, Lippmann and his gang of highly professional experts were able to organise pro-war propaganda in such way that people, just like a herd of sheep, were willing to be slaughtered for the sake of American flag, which Lippman cynically referred to as tool to move the crowd.

Overall, we can say that Lippmann's theory is generally correct. Public opinion can be manipulated with to the degree, when people can radically change their views about the same event, within day or two. The Vietnam war was nesses ary to stop the spread of Communism, yet, the ruling elite wasnt interested in it, as it mostly consisted of Communist sympathizers. Thats why this war was unpopular. But the war in Iraq can bring the immediate dividends to those who light their cigars with hundred dollar bills, therefore it is supported by the majority of slaughter lambs, because propaganda machine portraits this war in terms of good vs.

evil. Samuel Popkin takes a bit of different approach to show us the true nature of political process in democratic society. His book The Reasoning Voter is about the danger that peoples tendency to simplify things might pose to such process. At the beginning of his book he provides us with a classical example of person, who was running for the president, being deprived of votes of many Mexican Americans, simply because of his eating preferences: Visiting a Mexican-American community in Texas, Ford made the mistake of trying to eat a tamale with the corn husk, in which it is traditionally served, still on it. This ethnic misprision made the papers, and when he was asked, after losing to Jimmy Carter in the general election, what the lesson of his defeat was, Ford answered, Always shuck your tamales. (Popkin, p. 5). In his book, the author applies the notion of political shortcuts to explain the inner workings of electoral campaigns.

He suggests that the main factor that defines peoples political choices is their ongoing battle with psychological discomfort, over being unable to understand the essence of politics. Instead of admitting to themselves that they understand in politics just as much as monkeys understand in nuclear physics, people choose to identify themselves with political party or candidate that they can relate to on emotional level. It is better for the person, who wants to be elected, to have outstanding physical characteristics than to have Ph. D. in economics. The same applies to political parties their activity is going to be much more effective if they rely on visual means, when it comes to attracting potential voters, rather than on appealing to peoples sense of logic.

In this respect, partys colors that catch eye and smart motto's are much more effective propaganda tools than the partys political program itself. Popkin implies the notion of so-called low-information rationality, which stands for the intuitive form of judgment, on the part of masses. In this respect, his theory is similar to Lippmann's, even though it uses a much more politically correct terminology. Basically, Popkin comes to following conclusions: 1) the simpler is the political propaganda, on the part of political party - the more there are chances that it will enjoy popularity among people 2) diverse population is more likely to respond to irrational propaganda than the homogenous one 3) peoples regional and ethnic secularism in America influence their political choices in much bigger degree than their hypothetical patriotism. Many critics suggest that Popkin's book proves that ordinary citizens can make a rational political choices, while in fact, Popkin only recognizes that such possibility exists. It is symptomatic that those political scientists, who used to work as presidents advisors, like Lippman and Popkin, usually think of voting public with great disdain.

Some people wonder why many of George Bush speeches sound as if they were meant to be spoken in front of the imbeciles. The question is simple this is because American ruling elite really does consider the most of Americans as such Both Lippmann and Popkin think of political elections in America as some kind of social intercourse, when peoples deepest subconscious drives are being sublimated in their voting preferences. Voters go into the booth carrying the imprint of the hopes and fears, the prejudices and assumptions of their family, their friends, and their neighbors. For most people, voting may be more meaningful and more understandable as a social act than as a political act says Popkin and we can only agree with him. (Popkin, p. 50). The main difference between both theories lays in the fact that Lippmann considered the democratic principles of governing as unnatural, while Popkin associates democracy's shortcomings with the power of universal corruption, but does not deny that democracy could work. Nevertheless, both political scientists were more practitioners than philosophers and this is why their theories cannot be considered as fully analytical.

They simply describe their observations, in order for ruling elite to find even more effective means of influencing masses political activity. In my opinion, it is not democracy's fault that some of its fundamental principles are being simply neglected by contemporary politicians. As Gustav Le Bon once said, it is peoples biological quality that defines their government and not the other way around. The popular saying asserts this thought: Every nation deserves its current government. Only through raising the level of political culture among ordinary citizens, can we hope that democracy will prevail in America in the end.

Bibliography: Popkin, Samuel The Reasoning Voter: Communication and Persuasion in Presidential Campaigns. University Of Chicago Press. 1994. Lippmann, Walter The Phantom Public. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company. 1948.


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