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The Institute fr Public Policy Research estimates at least 5. 5 m British citizens are living permanently verses. n tp f that, the IPPR estimates a further 500, 000 live abroad part f the year - either because they wrk in ther countries r have send hme's. That means that also ne in 10 f British citizens are living abroad at the men. The researchers reached this figure by line at national census data and ther sources, such as verses passport applications. BBC News Recent trend have witnessed the migration f many companies t ther enemies.
ne aspect f economic change in the UK ver recent decades has been the virtual disappearance f what were lng considered the country main manufacturing industries nt nly the heavy trades but als ther may staples, such as textiles. These were the economic cres f the country industrial conurbations, and mst f their may cities Glasgow, Manchester and Liberal, Leeds and Bradford, Sheffield, Belfast and Birmingham, and Cardiff and Swansea were funded n the industries. Several million jbs, mst f them filled by men, disappeared: unemployment grew exponentially and replacement jbs were extremely hard t find certainly jbs feeling the same security and inches. This was nt a temporary slump frm which recovery was expected, with the factories nly remaining idle until demand was rekindled and staff could be re-employed: the jbs would never return and the plant, even very new plant in which there had been substantial recent investment, was redundant. The asset-strippers and demolition firms sn me in, and many thousands f hectares f derelict industrial wastelands were created in what were nce the hearts f the British manufacturing economy. Sme new jbs appeared after a few years, resulting frm efforts t regenerate the impacted areas but they were in very different types f industry.
Mst were very different types f jbs, t: they demanded fewer well-he skills certainly nt the involving years f apprenticeship and n-the-jb training which characterised the industries they replaced; many were part-time and relatively play paid, with little security r career projects; and many mre than was the case with the that they replaced were taken by when. Fr the made redundant in the declining industries, pprtunities were few, and many settled fr early retirement, perhaps linked with varius frm's f part-time grey economy employment; the new jbs catered fr new entrants t the labor free. It is difficult t exaggerate the extent t which the UK labor market has been restructured ver the period since the 1970 s. Unemployment has risen t unprecedented levels and has stayed high; income inequalities have widened; female participation rates have increased significantly, such that when nw constitute mre than half the waged workforce; contingent employment in temporary, part-time and contact jbs has continued t expand; unit membership densities and strike rates have bth fallen, especially in the private set; manufacturing employment has collapsed and nw eight ut f every ten workers are employed in service industries, such as retailing, tourism and finance. Perhaps the key change, however, has been the emergence f flexible labor markets which are nw celebrated and posted by politicians f all stripes.
The Cnservatives came t power in 1979 determined t attack what they saw as labor market rigidities powerful trade using, institutionalised employment practices, passive benefits regimes, bureaucratic training systems, and lw levels f labor mobility. Under the banner f deregulation, Cnservatives government set abut restructuring the institutions and remaking the rules f the UK labor market, as a barrage f legislative and policy changes in every area frm employment rights t benefit entitlements actively facilitated the shift towards the mre flexible labor markets f the 1990 s. Although the election f a Labor government in 1997 saw changes in emphasis, as social partnership and welfare-t-wrk were established as new priorities, advocacy f flexible labor markets remains a central element f the New Labor cred. In mst areas f labor market policy, Labor would build upn the Cnservatives reforms; they would nt reverse them. The underlying weakness f the UK labor market since the 1970 s is revealed in the fact that while employment growth has tended t be fitful and short-lived, the problems f unemployment and party have remained stubbornly entrenched.
The facial unemployment cunt remained are 2 million in 1998, even as the national economy reached the tp f the business cycle and the Bank f England raised interest rates t see do the economy. Meanwhile, the jb growth that curved ver the previous tw decades was bth fragile and highly uneven in character. Between 1981 and 1997, that employment rse by 1. 18 million. Yet this national picture conceals wide regional disparities. Punctuated by tw may recessions, the last tw decades in the UK labor market have been characterised by lw growth, widening social and regional inequalities, and a fraught transition frm male-dominated manufacturing employment t a strongly services-rented economy heavily reliant n part-time and female employment. Even at the peak f the business cycle, problems f lw pay, unemployment, social exclusion and inadequate investment remain endemic, leading Dunfrd (1997) and ther's t suggest that the UK labor market has shifted t a new, lw-employment / lw -productivity equilibrium.
Dunfrd argues that this fees little lng-term jb potential r site fr sustainable economic development, due fundamentally t key weaknesses in the wider regulatory framework in which the labor market is embedded. In contrast t the Keynesian-welfarism re prevalent in the UK frm the Send World War through t the mid- 1970 s, under which there was full male employment, rising inches and productivity, expansive welfare provision and regional economic convergence, the lw-employment / lw -productivity equilibrium f the 1980 s and 1990 s has been predicated n the deregulation f labor markets, praising inches, persistently high real levels f unemployment and regional economic divergence. Glbalizatin and migration represent tw f the mst dynamic global sciplitical trends f ur present time. While bth have their wn driving dynamic, they are highly interrelated. Glbalizatin has an ambivalent and sme contradictory influence n the current migratory flw's. n the ne hand it creates situations and conditions which increase the pressure and intensify the desire t migrate.
Fr example, growing economic inequalities, extreme party, the breakdown f national enemies, the decline f traditional industry, environmental degradation, revival f tribal, ethnic, and religious fundamentalism, conflicts and wars, t name nly a few f the direct r indirect results f globalization, contribute towards migration understand as a "survival strategy." A considerable number f the estimated 150 million people working upside their countries f right have been free int migration by the economic consequences f the globalized economy. Als, there is a revolution in communication; the easiness and lw cst f information flw and geographical movement f persons; the daily projection f property and affluence pictures at a global scale; the cultivation through the mass media f the illusion f an increased familiarity with the not and accessibility f the western way and quality f life t everyone living in the western countries intensify the desire f participation - particularly and the wh, fr political r economic reasons, lived up t nw island and deprived - and constitute a great temptation and an urge towards taking ver the risk t migrate. n the ther hand globalization cnstitute's a restraining free, counteracting migration, e. g.
globalization priorities the importance f capital and downgrades significantly the rle and relative power f the labor in the globalized economy. Particularly in the developed enemies f the not since the early 70 s the value f the unskilled labor free has dramatically decreased resulting in an facial brake n immigration. The EU countries decided t apply -even though unsuccessfully- a policy f "zero migration", imposing continuously new and additional cntrl's, restrictions and barriers t the entry f migrants resinating frm the s called "third countries." The downgrading f the significance f the fact "labor" partially explains als the fact that powerful government and International Governmental rganizatins like WT and IMF, while undertaking intensive efforts t achieve free f movement f gds and capital, shw a limited interest in pricing the free movement f persons. Free movement is free restricted t the "global elite." In parallel, TNCs transferring their economic activities where labor is cheap, flexible and unregulated, environmental protection minimal and taxes very lw, contribute indirectly in counteracting migration. However recent surveys shw that this trend is far less important than regionally anticipated.
In the content f the globalizing markets, the global, fast and flexible movement f labor (a small percentage f highly skilled workers as well as a big number f cheap free undocumented workers) becomes an important key element f successful economic development. Labor migrants could thus be key players in the press towards a globalizing economy - bth as the largely pricing frm and setting the agenda f globalization as well as potential beats and victims f globalization processes. Sme ther considerations n the important link between globalization and migration include: the countries f the such f Europe, as well as the countries f central and eastern Europe, candidates t jin the EU, constituting the external borders f the EU have turned int "cntrl pints" and "waiting rms" fr would be immigrants t the "cre" countries f the EU. The my sent hme by migrants is an important economic contribution t the national economy f many countries f the such. Fr such countries this is ne f the mst important sources f foreign currency earnings.
In many cases, these transfers help t create an unofficial social security system: The World Bank estimates that remittances by migrant workers amount t 65 billion USD per year. The national economy f Turkey fr example annually receives and 3 billion USD frm remittances f migrant workers, compare t 1. 5 Billion in facial development assistance. Allen, J. , Massey, D. , Cochrane, A. , Charlesworth, J. , Court, G. , Henry, N. and Sarre, P. (1998) Rethinking the Region, London: Routledge. Dunford, M. (1997) Divergence, instability and exclusion: regional dynamics in Great Britain, in R. Lee and J.
Wills (eds) Geographies of Economies, London: Arnold. Jones, M. R. (1999) New Institutional Spaces: Tec's and the Remaking of Economic Governance, London: Jessica Kingsley. Mandelson, P. (1997) A lifeline for youth, Guardian, 15 August: 17. Q&A: Brits Abroad revealed, by Dominic Casciani, BBC News: web
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Research essay sample on Labor Markets Migrant Workers
