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Anthropology of Religion In the nineteenth century, the anthropologists viewed religion as an archaic mode of thought and action standing behind the modern programs of science, law, politics, and education that would one day drop away. No anthropologists can say that with certainty today, though problems of definition remain, since religion reaches into virtually every corner of human activity. Fundamentally in anthropology the focus of the analysis is generally ethnographic. In order to define the anthropology of religion some writers applied evolutionary theory to the study of religion, assuming that stages of material "advancement" corresponded with those of a spiritual nature. The theory of animism appeared as the earliest, "primitive" stage of religion.
From the American standpoint, the German diffusion ists, who countered the English and French evolutionists, have been a vital influence on anthropology of religion. They held, simply, that similarities in cultures can usually be ascribed to diffusion from one site of original invention. Different movements of scientists in different times tried to establish their own vision of religion as whole. Some established in their works the cosmological functions of myths in maintaining natural order, and others gave voice to a backlash against the many of the assumptions about religion and religious categorizations. Contemporary anthropology of religion considers a variety of figures and movements and remains a vital point of conversation for many.
In the sixties, a variety of new ideas about religious anthropology appeared, some based upon the cultural system, and some set apart from the main of everyday life. Through performance theory a new emphasis on ritual was established. The seventies and eighties saw the beginning of the literary criticism and post-colonial studies revolution in anthropology of religion, particularly in the manner in which we think and speak about religion. This trend dovetailed with the continual and painful self-examination already ongoing into the predilections and prejudices of anthropologists through the last hundred fifty years. Currently, there is a continued questioning of categories like belief and religion itself, as theorists from a variety of backgrounds attempt to establish the usefulness of the manner in which we think of religion and culture.
The emphasis is made on the dynamic, unstable character of all historical phenomena. The current emphasis is on urban religion, not tribal or rural and, as in the past, on lived religion -- though today that does not necessarily mean ignoring white, middle class America as before. Anthropologists are fascinated today by the religious strange in the culturally familiar- in particular, the study of what might be characterized as ugly and dark -- religious racism, sexism, snake-handling. Today, religion is seen by many anthropologists on its own terms, as a discrete area of human activity. The scholars are extraordinarily careful when speaking of religion. They are critical of our everyday terminology: ideas like belief and culture and ritual are constantly being reassessed or called into question -- to the point, in fact, where one can hardly speak reasonably about "belief" anymore outside of certain Western historical contexts.
Common elements of religion One of the hallmarks of religion is belief in supernatural beings and forces. These take a variety forms, not all of which are found in every religious belief systems: 1. animatism 2. animism 3.
ancestral spirits 4. gods and goddesses 5. minor supernatural beings It is important fact that many of these beliefs are held by followers of the major religions despite the fact that their religious leaders may deny them. To begin with a belief in a supernatural power that is not part of supernatural beings is referred to as animatism.
For those who hold this belief, the power is usually impersonal, unseen, and potentially everywhere. It is neither good nor evil, but it is powerful and dangerous if misused. It is something like electricity or "the force" in the Star Wars movies. Animatism is a widespread belief, especially in small-scale societies.
Among the Polynesian cultures of the Southern Pacific Ocean, this power is mana. For them it is a force that is inherent in all objects, plants, and animals, even including people. Next is animism, a belief that implies natural objects animated by spirits. This belief can take diverse forms. Things in nature may all have within them different spirits -- each rock, tree, and cloud may have its own unique spirit. In contrast, all things in nature may be thought of as having the same spirit.
This latter version of animism was characteristic of many Native American cultures. In both forms of animism, the spirits are thought of as having identifiable personalities and other characteristics such as gender. People, who hold this belief, are concerned about them and try to avoid displeasing them. Initially, animatism and animism may seem to be the same thing. In fact both beliefs are often found in the same culture. The difference, however, is that the "power" of animatism does not have a personality -- it is an impersonal "it" rather than a "he" or "she" with human-like characteristics.
Spirits are individual supernatural beings with their own recognizable traits. One special category of spirit found in the belief system of most cultures consists of the souls or ghosts of ancestors (ancestral spirits). A belief in ancestral spirits is consistent with the widespread belief that humans have at least two parts -- a physical body and some kind of non-physical spirit. The spirit portion is generally believed to be freed from the body by death and continues to exist. In China and most of the rest of East Asia, ancestral spirits are thought of as still being active family members< who is interested in a family's welfare.
In European cultures, the spirits of the dead are usually not considered of so kindly. They have been seen historically as dangerous by Europeans. Ghosts or spirits are feared and avoided because of the danger inherent in encounters with them. This belief that the dead more likely than not will be malevolent is one of the reasons that Europeans have traditionally buried their relatives in cemeteries, which are essentially cities of the dead physically separated from the living. Most religions maintain a belief in powerful supernatural beings with individual identities and recognizable attributes.
These beings are usually thought of as gods or goddesses. Another term for them is deities. Like spirits, they have individual identities and recognizable attributes. However, gods and goddesses are more powerful than spirits and other lesser supernatural beings -- they can effectively alter all of nature and human fortunes.
As a result, they are commonly worshipped and requests are made of them to help in times of need. Religions differ in the number of gods that their followers believe exist. Abelief that there is only one god is referred to as monotheism. Judaism, Christianity, and Islam are examples of monotheistic religions. In contrast, a belief in more than one god is known as polytheism. Hinduism is a polytheistic religion.
When there are many gods in a religion, they are typically ranked relative to each other in terms of their powers and their interests. The supreme god is often an otiose deity. That is, he or she established the order of the universe and is now remote from earthly concerns ("otiose" is Greek for "at rest). As a result, otiose deities are usually almost ignored in favor of lesser gods who take an interest in the everyday affairs of humans. There is unclear distinction between monotheism and polytheism.
For instance, some scholars have argued that monotheism's, such as Catholicism, are actually de facto polytheism's for many of the faithful. From this perspective, Jesus, the Virgin Mary, and the saints are prayed to for guidance and help as if they were minor gods themselves. While the Christian God is considered all powerful, he is often not the one who is turned to by Catholics during life crises, perhaps, because he is essentially an otiose deity. Hinduism is also more complex than it may seem initially. In India and Bali, Hindus can be observed passionately worshipping hundreds of different gods. This fits the classic description of a polytheistic religion.
However, from the point of view that these many gods are only different manifestations of the supreme god, Shiva (or Vishnu or Krishna); Hinduism can also be interpreted as a monotheism. Minor supernatural beings are not spirits, gods, humans, or other natural beings. People do not pray to them for help. Yet these beings have some supernatural capabilities. In European folk tradition, leprechauns, elves, and pixies were minor supernatural beings. They were human-like in appearance and personality but could do things that were beyond the abilities of humans.
Minor supernatural beings often have a "trickster" role -- they fool people, do outlandish things, and disappear. For instance, some rural people in Ireland in the past believed that elves steal boy children, so mothers dressed their young sons like girls to avoid their being taken. For the Indians of Western North America, coyote was believed to disarm powerful people with his words and then magically steal what they valued most. In studying religion from an anthropological perspective, we need to consider that all human aspects of living -- biological, historical, linguistic, or cultural -- must be correlated in order to understand the human whole.
To better understand our humanness, we need to have a good concept of culture that is considered as the entire social heritage of man; specifically, it is the tradition of a particular human group, a way of living learned from, and shared by, the members of that group. Every culture has its own rituals which are designed both to express belief and to bring about specific ends. Ritual behavior is motivated by a desire to gain some form of satisfaction and is expected to be effective. Rituals often deal with such human concerns as health, fertility, and general welfare; however, the purposes may vary with the participants. Ritual is widely regarded as the most fundamental unit of religious expression. Rituals represent the major link between the supernatural and the social world: if men make sacrifices, then their gods must demand them; if men sing and dance in rituals, their gods must enjoy them.
Rituals thus reflect, to a significant degree, the qualities people have attributed to the supernatural. It is based on dogma that expresses a people's relation to the supernatural, and includes reference to what they must do in order to maintain this relationship and benefit by it. Every culture such as every belief has its own myths which help understanding the nature of mythology. In popular discourse myth means something like fiction or fantasy. Myth is a type of religious story that communicates truth to a religious community shaped by that myth. They contain a kind of truth that is communicated through narratives, truth that cannot be completely translated into abstract propositions without some loss of meaning and provide religious communities with a worldview, creating a vision of reality and the meaning and purpose of human existence, mankind's relations to the supernatural and natural worlds, basic moral and social values.
The myth justifies societal roles, rituals, morals and standard. In some cultures, the myths are only repeated at special sacred times and in the context of specific sacred rituals. Such practices illustrate the close relationship between myth and ritual. The recitation of myth occurs within the context of religious celebration.
The narrative existed only to explain the ritual. What becomes important is to recognize what is implied by the nature of the "sacred. " For some this means that when you enter a church sanctuary or temple you adjust your attitude toward the sacredness of the place and the reason that you have went there for. To others in different cultures, sacredness takes on the importance of life itself. Talking about overall supernaturalism that describes God's will, it is important to call something "good" meaning that God desires it. We are to pick out our moral principles by following God's will. Supernaturalism holds that moral judgments describe God's will: "X is good" means "God desires X. " God's will creates the moral order.
Supernaturalism is defended as a Biblical teaching, as a consequence of belief in God (who is the source of all basic laws), and as the only plausible source of objectively binding duties. We can best know God's will through combining four sources: the sacred book, the church, prayer, and reason. However, supernaturalism despite being initially believable (at least to religious people), has some deep problems concerning to atheists can not make positive moral judgments - an implausible result. There are arguments for supernaturalism if to examine carefully. For instance, the Bible doesn't teach supernaturalism; rather, it teaches that we ought to obey God, which might be accepted and defended on a non-super naturalistic basis. As demonstrated above, anthropology of religion cannot be defined theoretically, because it spans theory in its broadest manifestations.
This is partially a result of anthropology's historical emphasis on "non-literate, "primitive" religious life, religion that does not resemble Western European Christianity or Judaism in any apparent way. Anthropology of religion thus tends to emphasize the local particularities of religious life -- spirit worship, saint cults, and possession. Contemporary anthropology of religion is theoretically and methodologically diverse. Because anthropology shares common intellectual roots, there are as many ways of doing anthropology of religion. It attempts to overcome the prejudicial, Western-biased understandings of religion. Finally, I believe, contemporary anthropology of religion emphasizes place.
Place is what, in fact, sets anthropology of religion apart from "religious studies" and is also, perhaps, the greatest contribution of anthropology of religion to contemporary religious studies. Anthropologists of religion in their studies have consistently articulated a deep knowledge of place as an antidote to the sometimes facile, superficial approach of "comparative religion. "
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