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Example research essay topic: Radio Broadcasts Bring Forth - 1,534 words

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... at serve a domestic importance to the United States. This human rights disaster, according to Clinton, does not classify. Over the following weeks and months, U. S. parsimony and insistence on the utmost caution impeded the dispatch of UN troops to Rwanda.

In fact, all the troops involved were African, and the U. S. financial commitment amounted merely to a contribution to the UN peacekeeping budget. In the first place, the U. S. refusal to commit its own troops to the effort reduced the prestige of the mission and discouraged troop-contributing nations who would have been eager to join an American-led effort (Burkhalter 26).

This action of the U. S. revealed their inertia towards the disaster. They stood passively behind the scenes donating a small monetary supplement to the cause, instead of aggressively using force to end the disaster quickly. By Mid-May, when the genocide had reached a climax, the United States further displayed its passivity by stalling on its commitment to provide equipment for the force. Troops were theoretically available from Ghana, Senegal, Ethiopia, and other nations.

But only the rich countries had the resources to equip them, and the process of settling on appropriate equipment, and on what the United States would pay, took months. According to congressional staff, Ghana's outrageous request included demands for tanks, helicopters, and howitzers (Burkhalter 31). The American response was to quarrel over costs with the U. N.

bureaucracy and to stall in making military items available. A mission involving a rescue and a total termination of genocidal activities had been constructed, but needed the assistance of 50 armored vehicles. On May 19, 1994, the UN asked for the compliance by the US, but there were arguments over the costs of such measures and the rescue mission had been delayed once again (Triumph). The Pentagon and the United Nations reportedly negotiated for weeks over such details as whether to buy tank-like (tracked) or wheeled vehicles, and whether the United Nations should buy or lease the vehicles.

Even when the negotiations were in the final phase, the administration had taken no steps to refurbish... or move the APCs from their bases in Germany because Pentagon regulations stipulate that no steps to carry out a contract can be taken until a lease is signed, and the White House never pressed to waive the restrictions (Gordon). Over a million lives were taken as the United States debated expenditures that may have ultimately ended the genocide. Finally, despite U.

S. recalcitrance and after considerable delay, the secretary general seemed to have cobbled together an agreement to dispatch 4, 000 troops. But then suddenly, Ambassador Albright insisted on a more modest plan-only 850 troops and observers to prepare the ground for a full force to follow at some unspecified date. Only on June 8, 1994, did the Security Council give the final authorization to a deployment that had been accorded the utmost urgency on April 29, 1994 (Omar 4). During this time span of less than five weeks, more than 300, 000 Tutsi had already been murdered.

The United States avoided the conflict is every aspect imaginable. They were unwilling to give monetary aid or assistance by means of physical force. The United States watched in silence as the Hutu destroyed the balance of society in Rwanda. However, if physical action was the deterrent of their response, then the U. S. could have reacted to the threats in many different ways.

One of the most useful contributions the administration might have made would have been to jam the extremist Rwandan radio broadcasts that played such an enormous role in whipping up terror and ethnic killing from April through June. Moreover, the radio broadcasts were the means by which the extremist militia, who carried out most of the killings, received their orders from the military high command and political party leaders (Burkhalter 36). Pentagon experts have informed me that the Defense Department possesses the capacity to jam such broadcasts and could have done so at any point during the genocide (Burkhalter 37). Yet, even as messages were aired urging Rwandan Hutu's to kill all Tutsi to ethnically cleanse and release areas to be sure that all children had been killed, the Clinton administration took no action. Yet it appears that neither the State Department nor the NSC pursued the idea seriously, and the Pentagon discouraged serious inquiry into it by making it sound as if it were a technical impossibility. In any event, the Clinton administration, through its inaction on the radio broadcasts, failed to take the one action that, in retrospect, might have done the most to save Rwandan lives.

After the genocide had come to an end, the United States was able to help contribute to the project UNAMIR (United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda) as it reestablished itself to help bring the country back to order. The United States was the major donor for this project. The U. S. has provided $ 850 million in humanitarian aid to this region since 1993 (US Support).

Clinton says, We saved hundreds of thousands of peoples lives who were refugees, children who might have died from dehydration and disease for example (Interview). Several thousand U. S. soldiers were deployed in Zaire and Rwanda itself in late July to break the back of a massive cholera epidemic and to provide food, water, medicine, and shelter to refugees and displaced people. Top Clinton officials visited the refugee havens, and humanitarian issues there were a visible priority for the White House, the State Department, and the Pentagon (Burkhalter 40). Clinton inadvertently illustrates the United States methodology behind their assistance.

He remarks on the lives that were saved after the genocide had already come to an end. After the United States passive display, this humane act was the redeemer executed to help bring back dignity to a country that neglected another in a trivial time of suffering. The time, effort, and money spent to aid the country of Rwanda after the genocide could have been effectively used as an immediate mean to end the problem. Since the genocide in Rwanda has occurred, The United States has expressed their sympathy by becoming an active participant in the International War Crimes Tribunal.

The Tribunal serves a critical purpose, not just to punish genocide in Rwanda, but to deter genocide in Burundi and elsewhere. The United States has been the strongest supporter of the Rwanda Tribunal (US Support). This post-genocide action is an obvious implication that the United States has learned from its mistake, but is this act of redemption enough to satisfy the bloodletting that ensued during the crisis? The United States did respond to the Rwanda genocide, but they did so in a manner that would not bring forth any danger to the individuals participating in this revival.

The history of U. S. policy toward Rwanda during the genocide reveals that the disaster was not an important concern of the President or of the upper echelons of the State Department. It was treated, not as a human rights disaster requiring urgent response, but as a peacekeeping headache to be avoided (Muravchik 4). The obvious question is, why was this the Clinton administrations response to the clearest case of genocide since the Holocaust?

We saved American lives and avoided conflicts that may have erupted into diplomatic disorder. During the crisis, we reacted to the problems of the United States, and those countries that are suffering on a domestic level. The mass murders in Rwanda existed in our eyes as a crime against human rights and nothing more. The United States had no domestic ties with Rwanda; thus we did not feel the need to embark upon a defense mission that might put a few American lives in jeopardy.

However, fact still remains that one million lives were lost in less than one hundred days, and even the slightest amount of intervention may have had an enormous impact on the reduction of casualties. The United States has stated its determinant to bring forth an end to such an occurrence, but it was reluctant in proving its intentions. The United States stood and watched one million human beings die before their eyes. On March 25, 1998, President Bill Clinton stated, The international community, together with nations in Africa, must bear its share of responsibility for this tragedy as well. We did not act quickly enough after the killing began.

We should not have allowed the refugee camps to become safe havens for the killers. We did not immediately call these crimes by their rightful name: genocide. We cannot change the past. (Clinton) President Clinton had finally admitted to the crimes that United States had committed by passively reacting to the atrocities against humanity. They avoided a rescue mission until all forms had danger had been cleared, until there was no threat of force. A few thousand soldiers could have been the deciding factor in the life or death of one million innocent lives. Was our retreat worth the consequences?

Even though the United States could not be accused of physically killing any of the Rwandan civilians, their passive reaction to the Rwandan cries created the opportunity for this mass genocide.


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Research essay sample on Radio Broadcasts Bring Forth

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