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Example research essay topic: Radical Islamic Revivalism And Nuclear Terrorism - 1,516 words

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On September 11 th, 2001, the world was shocked and appalled to learn of the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. A terrorist attack of such precision and magnitude was unheard of. In the wake of those attacks, individuals and nations alike have been forced to re-evaluate their perception of terrorism, especially the fanatical and seemingly amoral terrorism originating from the Middle East. Commonly referred to as Islamic fundamentalists, this group of radical theologians has been pushed from the shadows into the world spotlight. Even though September 11 th was unique in its magnitude, it was not unique in its kind. Terrorist attacks linked to radical Islamic groups have seen an exponential rise not only in number, but also in casualties.

This upward surge of violence is starkly represented in the events of the last decade alone. The 1990 s saw the bombings of multiple Israeli embassies and organizations, the World Trade Center, the American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, and several other locations around the world. Planes have been hijacked and crashed adding hundreds more to the death toll. If nothing else, a situation that once could be brushed off as a purely regional conflict has become an issue of global concern. The first key to understanding this growing global threat is to discard the commonly held stereotypes and misconceptions surrounding it. We must be able to recognize and target the people responsible while keeping them apart from the cultural backdrop of the area in which they live.

Also, we must recognize this cultural backdrop as a complex mix of political, religious, and economic conditions that has evolved from a long and tattered history. By understanding this history, and the nature of the Islamic religion, we can recognize that we stand upon a precipice. Radical Muslim groups stand poised to seize increasing amount of power as the traditional barriers against them wither and crumble. This power will not only come in the form of political influence and control, but also an increase in non-governmental groups and organizations, including ones with terrorist and revolutionary ideals. This increase in power comes at a very precarious time when access to the very worst tools of terror is reaching high tide. Weapons of mass destruction, and the details of how to build them, have permeated too many nations of the world.

We can grasp this notion when we consider, as Andrew Loehmer points out, that at least 20 states possess or can produce at least two types of weapons whether nuclear, biological or chemical and their delivery systems (Wilkinson 60). Where nuclear weapons do not exist technologies such as nuclear power pave the way to their creation. And at a time when these devices are becoming more and more prevalent, we may come to find our current securities against their misuse poorly inadequate. The existence of zealous Islamic terrorist groups coupled with the relative insecurity of nuclear weapons, including the materials and knowledge required to create them, is a recipe for disaster.

Before we can analyze any part of this destructive equation, we must first remove the filter of bias we unconsciously apply to the situation. Much of this bias stems from our misunderstanding of the language used to label these radical groups. In fact, the term Islamic Fundamentalism in inherently misleading. As J. Paul Rajashekar points out, the term fundamentalism was originally applied to American Protestants in the early 20 th century. As applied to them, and the generations that followed them, he observes that the word chiefly signified that the Bible was literally interpreted and taken as absolute truth (65).

When applied to Muslims, this definition quickly breaks down. As Rajashekar later points out, All Muslims, irrespective of their general outlook, regard the Quran (literally recitation) as the inerrant word of God. Thus, without proper redefinition, the terms fundamental, fundamentalist, and fundamentalism, are impossible to apply to the world of Islam without running headlong into popular misconception. The term fundamentalism needs to be perceived as a desire to return to more traditional practices, not as a synonym for radical. With misconceptions laid aside, we can begin to trace the roots of the modern movement of Islamic radicalism. The history of Islamic revivalism can be explained largely through analysis of the relation of religion to other parts of life.

As Rajashekar states, Islam is looked upon by Muslims as a comprehensive way of life and they therefore understand religion as an integral part of politics, state, law, and society (66). A movement of the 18 th century called Wahhabism is labeled by many Muslim researches to be the beginning of the desire to live by more strict and traditional Islamic practices. Wahhabism sought to achieve this goal by emphasizing literal interpretation of the Quran. Increasing literal interpretations of the Quran led to increasingly personal interpretations of it, as well. This process, in fact, led to more liberal interpretations of the text (Rajashekar 66). After a brief period where modernization of Islam became a high priority, two factions formed within the religion.

Those who believed in more traditional practices reacted strongly to the increased emphasis on modernization (and consequently, westernization) of Islam. They formed the radical reactionary groups that have evolved into the modern Islamic revivalists. The importance of this increasing trend of revivalism becomes clear when one looks at the tenets and traditions of Islam. As Mahmud Faksh explains, in traditional interpretations, All human activities, including politics, are rooted in religion and are inseparable (5).

This tenet establishes control of the government as one of the primary goals of revivalist Muslims. Beyond just controlling national governments, traditional Muslim doctrine specifies that there should be a worldwide Muslim community (Faksh 10). This structure fosters a system of spread-apart organizations that loosely act together, but has no central power. Another major consequence of revivalism is the use of jihad, or holy war. This traditional Islamic practice legitimizes the use of violence against all sources that threaten the cause of Islam. Not only is this the rallying call for many of the violent radical groups emerging within the religion, but it suggests that governments and the Muslim community at large should support these actions.

The history and organization of the Islamic religion establish both its means obtaining power and its use of that power. The rise of Islamic revivalism has created a system which will try to wrench power through any means necessary, and then use that power for the enforcement of Islamic doctrine. This system also lends itself readily to violence under the standard of jihad and has dictated the tactics of the radical Islamic terrorists. However, as of yet, most of the power remains in the hands of relatively moderate governments.

Most countries of the Middle East have not succumbed to the influence of the radical camp. But several emerging factors will soon increase the speed at which the remaining power shifts into the hands of these radicals. The biggest asset to the radical Islamists is youth. As Bradford Mc Guinn notes, increasingly, the younger generation is revolting against the desire for modernization and acceptance of the West that is characteristic of older Muslims.

Within a generation, the tone of an entire region is rapidly changing from acceptance to brutal rejection. So far this change has been kept in check because the existing power structure in government is older and tends to support more secular policy, including battling the uprising of radicalism. However, as these leaders age and are replaced by younger revivalist leaders, this roadblock to more religious law will be demolished. At the same time control over the region is eroding from within, outside governments are less and less willing to provide the difference. Fed up with years of brutal conflict with no foreseeable end in sight, countries like the US are tired of the constant struggle to keep the peace (Mc Guinn).

This trend is one supported strongly by the countries of the Middle East. In fact, Faksh points out that the view that Islam is of supreme importance necessitates that Islamic people and governments have little to no contact with non-Muslims (15). Therefore, we are heading towards a policy of letting the Middle East stew in its own pot of hatred and dogmatic religious doctrine. Unfortunately, this pot of stew has already begun to boil over.

The decentralized nature of the radical Islamic movement has enabled it to migrate into many other countries of the world. Steven Emerson explains that as the ranks of militant Muslims grew, many dispersed themselves out to the US and various countries in Europe (A 23). So instead of outside countries taking action in the Middle East, the Middle East has followed us home and brought its own form of diplomacy with it. What will radical Islam do with its expanding organization and growing power? Unfortunately the answer may be grimmer than we could imagine. The events of September 11 th were a shocking reminder that this brand of terrorist places little value upon human lives, even their own.

Therefore, it seems the only logical limit...


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Research essay sample on Radical Islamic Revivalism And Nuclear Terrorism

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