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Example research essay topic: Day By Day Peacekeeping Force - 2,201 words

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... r attempt as unimpressive (PG). In the mean time, problems persisted with bad feelings between China and the U. S. Soon, China demanded that there be an immediate halt to the bombing campaign before the United Nations considers any peace plan (PG). Protests against the U.

S. by the Chinese began to slow down ("Day by day" PG). In fact, on May 14 th, as part of a planned visit to China, NBC's Matt Lauer was finally allowed to broadcast from the Great Wall. His trip had been delayed due to the crisis. This, and other events, suggest that the tension is less than it had been initially. During that week, Defense Secretary William Cohen reiterated that NATO will accept nothing less than a total troop and police withdrawal from Kosovo (PG).

The war continues but peace may have a chance. III. The Role of the United Nations The United Nations took a back seat in terms of the Kosovo crisis but had recently, finally become involved. The head of the United Nations had actually proposed a plan as early as mid-April (Mcwethy, Gibson and Sawyer PG). The U.

N. proposed that if the Serbs would pull out, a peacekeeping force could in fact be led by the U. N. as opposed to NATO (PG). Many ask why didn't the United Nations become involved sooner and question the U. N. 's role in the new world order anyway.

Some contend that the United Nations as an entity, has been hurt by its exclusion from the Kosovo crisis thus far (Pisik A 13). However, they can in fact, play a significant role now. Diplomats say that once the military phase is over, the United Nations, whose charter includes primary responsibility for international peace and security upon members of the Security Council, will be essential in negotiating a settlement and policing the Kosovo area (A 13). John Bolton, formerly part of the Reagan administration, notes that the U. S. does want the face-saving cover the U.

N. can provide (Pisik A 13). On May 6, G- 8 foreign ministers who met in Bonn agreed that the Security Council should establish an interim administration for Kosovo in order to ensure conditions for a peaceful and normal life for all the Kosovars (A 13). Ministers from the Group of Seven rich countries who attended were from the U. S. , Japan, Germany, France, Britain, Italy and Canada; Russia was expected to be present at the Petersburg guest house just outside Bonn ("G 8 close" PG).

They agreed that deployment in Kosovo of any international civil and security forces should be something that had to be endorsed and adopted by the United Nations (Pisik A 13). The ministers said a U. N. Security Council resolution must be prepared (A 13). There does seem to be a significant role for the U. N.

now. Perhaps it is, as Bolton suggested, political in nature. Yet, many ask why the U. N. has taken a back seat thus far.

One reason why the U. N. has been left out of the process to this point is that the permanent members of the Security Council have been divided by NATO's bombing campaign (Pisik A 13). In fact the division is so significant that both Russia and China have refused to declare their support even for humanitarian efforts (A 13).

Russia and China's role had already been touched on. Despite the fact that they have expressed staunch opposition to the NATO exercise, they have been major players in the political game surrounding the activity. Slovenian Ambassador Danilo Turk called the fact that even humanitarian issues are affected by the division disturbing (Pisik A 13). And again, Russia and China's role is each very different from one another. Russia, while opposed, has been integral to the peace process. China, on the other hand, in light of the accident in the Chinese embassy, protests against the U.

S. and the recently stolen military secrets, has taken on quite another role and in fact international relations are severely strained. As far as the U. N. 's role in all of this, James Morrow, of Stanford University, said that although the United Nations has had none so far, its role could be vital if in fact a deal is made (Pisik A 13). He noted that the U.

S. is now seeking the right forum for international approval and coordination and added "Once you get to a point where you want to bring in the Russians and the Chinese, then the U. N. - a consensual organization - makes sense" (A 13). John Hirsch, a U. S.

diplomat, sees the current impasse as predictable and said that Washington's respect for and use of the organization has historically cycled up and down (A 13). It seems as if the U. N. is used politically and it may very well be used here in that manner. Of course, it can be used practically in order to get more nations involved in keeping peace in the troubled European region.

But it also has been noted that it was the first time an agreement had been reached that suggested that any Kosovo peacekeeping force should operate under a U. N. mandate ("G 8 close" PG). As far as how quickly it would be able to take control of the territory is another matter (PG).

It could take quite some time. The U. N. 's role in past conflicts has been significant. During the 1970 s Washington used the United Nations to support sanctions against white-ruled South Africa as well as to settle others conflicts such as those that existed in Namibia (Pisik A 13). The 1980 s, on the other hand was a time of disengagement (A 13). There was however a spike for the 1991 Gulf war, as well as another estranged period during the Somalian, Rwandan and Bosnian peacekeeping venture (A 13).

In terms of the peacekeeping force itself, a foreign ministry spokesman said that the peacekeeping force should have significant powers and noted that the force would not be weak, but rather robust ("G 8 close" PG). At the same time, First Deputy Foreign Minister Alexander Averdeyev was quoted as saying that the international presence should at first be civilian and might only in the future have a security component (PG). The plan put forth however highlights NATO's preference for a U. N. solution and for a broad international peacekeeping force ("Hope" PG). NATO troops will probably be there as well (PG).

It has been asked, how large should the U. N. presence be and how heavily armed would they be (PG)? Another question which looms large is what would the mix of NATO, Russian and other troops be (PG)?

No one knows for sure at this point. All of that is negotiable (PG). One thing that is thought to be the case is that the NATO component of the force must include American troops, and it further must have its own independent command and defensible bases ("Hope" PG). It is further believed that it must be potent enough to thwart another Serb attack, at least until NATO reinforcements can be utilized (PG). In any event, Slobodan Milosevic was given a message and further, had been never as isolated as he is today ("Hope" PG). Even his Russian friends are prepared to desert him unless he allows the United Nations to take over in Kosovo and deploy troops so that refugees can go home (PG).

That is the message which came out of the meeting in Bonn. The Kosovo peace plan is essentially a potential breakthrough as it reflects Russia's fading alliance with Milosevic ("Hope" PG). While many are pleased with the successful peace talks, Kosovo continues to be bombed. Further, many wonder what Milosevic thinks and what he might do. After all, the ball will be in his court soon. In fact, it always was.

He could have, at any time, stopped the bombing by complying with NATO requirements. While he has not adequately complied thus far, one wonders how a peace keeping force might be received. An interview with Milosevic himself was conducted on May first. Some of his answers may help to shed light on just how a U. N.

force might work in the region. When asked about a U. S. trusteeship or protectorate, Milosevic said he didn't understand why a U. N. protectorate would be necessary (Arnaud A 8).

He clearly noted that he is not saying that he is against a U. N. mission (A 8). He explained that even before the war, they accepted 2, 000 verifiers from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) (A 8).

He also noted that the International Red Cross and the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, had huge missions in Kosovo in the past (A 8). By citing examples of how open the country was, he suggested that they were cordial to the international community (A 8). Yet, he notes that while they accepted foreign reporters and governments with open arms, others abused that privilege as for example, KLA terrorists were being supported (A 8). Milosevic continued and says that the U.

N. can have a large mission in Kosovo if it wants but they will not accept an occupation force, whether it is a NATO or a U. N. operation (Arnaud A 8). When asked if he would accept a U. N.

peacekeeping force, he replied "Yes, but no army" (A 8). He further noted that self-defense weapons would be acceptable, but no offensive weapons would be tolerated (Arnaud A 8; Cobban 11). He added that they would not accept anything that looks like an occupation (Arnaud A 8). When the term U. N. "peacekeeping force" was brought up later in the interview, he said that he did not like the term "force" and said "We would welcome a U.

N. mission, not what "force" implies. There is no job for forces. What would such forces do? Just ruin our roads with their tracked vehicles.

We would welcome anyone, any mission, that accepts to be our guests. Their mission would be to observe that all is peaceful and not to act as an occupation force" (A 8). The interviewer cleverly noted that much of the problem is semantics, to which he had no reply but he did say that they would like to see representatives of neutral countries rather than those who had committed aggressive acts against them (Arnaud A 8). In determining which forces would be acceptable Milosevic explained that there are European countries that are not members of NATO, such as Ireland, and troops from that country, for example, would be acceptable (A 8). Contingents from Russia, Ukraine and Belarus have also been mentioned and would be acceptable to Milosevic (A 8). Clearly, there is a difference of what is acceptable to Milosevic and what will be demanded by the rest of the world.

Despite such differences, the future is hopeful as at least, people are talking. IV. Conclusion The implementation of a U. N. peacekeeping force is an idea that has always been on the table, waiting for the right moment. Even China and Russia seem to be coming around.

If all can agree, and Milosevic will cooperate, the bombing can in fact come to an end and a U. N. -led mission can go forth. That of course remains to be seen. There are a number of factors and if Milosevic is not cooperative, the international political consequences can be devastating. Both China and Russia want the bombing to stop and there is no telling which way they will go in the future if in fact an agreement is not reached soon. Further, with internal turmoil in Russia, and Yeltsin's impeachment trial in progress, the future of Russia's role is a mystery, but it is thought that its position will probably remain unchanged (Holland PG).

The world is watchfully waiting with a degree of optimism, as bombs continue to fall down on Kosovo villages and refugees continue to make homes in strange lands. Works Cited Alexander, Lamar. " Clintonesque war. " The Washington Times 12 May 1999 A 19. Borchgrave, Arnaud de "'We are willing to die to defend our rights. '" The Washington Times 1 May 1999 A 8. Cobban, Helena. "Beyond the war in Kosovo. " The Christian Science Monitor 13 May 1999 11. Color, Irwin. " Holocaust as metaphor. " Jerusalem Post 12 May 1999 08. "Day-by-day account of Kosovo events. " Gannett News Service 11 May 1999 PG. "G 8 close to common line on Kosovo peace-Germany. " Reuters 5 May 1999 PG. Holland, Steve "U.

S. sees no change in Russia role in Kosovo. " Reuters 12 May 1999 PG. "Hope for Kosovo. " The Toronto Star 7 May 1999 PG. Mcwethy, John, Gibson, Charles, and Sawyer, Diane. " NEW KOSOVO PEACE PLAN. "ABC Good Morning America 14 Apr 1999 PG. Pisik, Betsy " U. N. welcomes chance to have a voice in Kosovo solution. " The Washington Times 7 May 1999 A 13. Note PG refers to pagination of electronic sources


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Research essay sample on Day By Day Peacekeeping Force

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