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Example research essay topic: Transnational Social Movements And The Campaign Against Nike - 2,462 words

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... es (1997, cited by Bullert, 2000). Economic development in post-modern societies provides a relative level of affluence and security so young people focus increasingly on the meaning and purpose of life, self-expression, and subjective well-being. Issues are being championed on the basis of personal identity politics rather than on broader political party affiliations or fixed alliances. The direct challenging of elites is a style of political activity that fits well with a post-materialist generation suspicious of electoral politics. As such, the outlook of youth activists can vary greatly from older activists in the anti-sweatshop movement, many of whom are involved with traditional forms of political participation such as trade unionism and political parties.

It also contrasts with activist workers from producing countries who are motivated by a pertinent need to improve their material and social conditions. Despite the diversity of actors and their varied motivations, the collective action of anti-Nike sweatshop campaigners qualifies as what Khagram, Riker, and Sikkink define as a transnational social movement, namely sets of actors with common purposes and solidarities linked across country boundaries that have the capacity to generate coordinated and sustained social mobilization in more than one country to publicly influence social change (2002: 8). Movements differ from networks and coalitions because of the extent to which they mobilize their transnationally located activists into collective action. Not only must participating actors share a truly transnational collective identity, but joint and sustained mobilization must occur in at least three countries. This makes movements more effective at instigating societal change than networks or coalitions, but also rarer and more difficult to create (Ms Adams, 1982, Throw, 1998, cited by (Khagram, Riker, and Sikkink, 2002).

Nike's initial response to criticism was to either ignore it or deflect responsibility by arguing that as production was subcontracted to independently-owned factories the corporation had neither control over alleged labour violations nor any responsibility to workers who were not Nike employees. In 1992 the company formulated a Code of Conduct for suppliers, but this did little to stave of critics who argued the code was limited and not adequately enforced. It took another six years of sustained international pressure, bad press and a subsequent downturn in profits, for Nike to announce changes to its overseas business practices, namely improvements to health and safety, and an increase in the minimum age of new workers. However no mention was made of increasing wages or reducing working hours (Klein, 2000; Bullert, 2000; Locke, 2003). Nike's partial improvement provoked a split response from the anti-Nike coalition, with some praising the company for its progress whilst others criticizing it for not going far enough.

As is common with transnational advocacy campaigns, the anti-Nike coalition incorporated diverse groups with varying and sometimes contradictory strategies and goals. The multi faced agenda that was subsequently adopted to reflect these diverse actors and interests meant that when the movement was faced with a major strategic dilemma regarding what constituted victory it exposed serious divisions in the coalition, the outcome of which was that some groups opted to move onto other targets whilst others stayed focused on Nike (Bullert, 2000; Bandy and Smith, 2005). Globalization From Below - The Case of Kukdong The strategies and actions of a coalition of transnationally located workers and activists who teamed up with a group of striking workers from the Kukdong factory in Mexico, provides a useful example of what can be achieved through international solidarity in combating sweatshop conditions. In January 2001, approximately 850 workers went on strike at Kukdong International, a Korean-owned factory manufacturing Nike products. The protest was in response to the managements exploitative work practices, which included: failure to pay minimum wage; physical and verbal abuse; use of underage labour; and the illegal firing of workers who were attempting to establish an independent trade union.

Additionally, Kukdong employees were being forced by their terms of employment to join a mafia union which was closely affiliated to government and management officials, and had not only failed to support workers grievances but had violently repressed their dissent. After three days of strike action police were called in, protesters were beaten, leading labour activists were subsequently fired, and those retuning to work faced bullying from management (Featherstone, 2002; Carty, 2001, 2003). In response to strike repression Kukdong factory workers called out to activists in the burgeoning global anti-sweatshop movement to lend support and raise awareness about their plight. In response, a diverse network of Northern and Southern activists embarked on a highly effective campaign built upon a multi-level, multi-task strategy targeting the local, national and international level (Carty, 2003: 7).

For Keck and Sikkink (1998) such transnational collective action adds weight to challenges mounted by domestic groups against the state. When governments abuse, are ineffective, or refuse to protect citizens rights, individuals and groups with minimal recourse in domestic political or judicial arenas may look to form relationships with international actors. Rather than appealing to local governments directly, non-state channels of information are used to petition the international community. In a process Keck and Sikkink term the boomerang pattern, articulated concerns become amplified in the international arena and are then echoed back to governments. For Keck and Sikkink, activists from both sides benefit, for the less powerful third world actors, networks provide access, leverage, and information (and often money) they could not expect to have on their own; for northerner groups, they make credible the assertion that they are struggling with, and not only for their southern partners (1998: 12 - 13). NGOs and students groups played a pivotal role in the Kukdong protest by disseminating information, building campaign momentum, and organising the diverse network of activists.

Key to this was the effective utilization of the Internet. Websites, list-servs and emails provided a highly efficient means of communicating, mobilizing, and organizing activists, NGOs, and workers. Transnationally situated actors were able to network across vast distances almost instantaneously and for minimal cost, which is particularly advantageous for NGOs and activists restricted by minimal budgets. Daily updates were posted on website and list-serves, enabling activists to react immediately to developments and provide instant support. Regular action alerts called on concerned citizens to send protest letters to Nike and Kukdong demanding that management comply with Mexican labour laws, Nike's code of conduct, and international standards relating to the right of workers to freely organize. Global solidarity was fostered through the provision of workers email addresses where letters of encouragement could be sent (Bullert, 2000; Carty, 2001).

Student groups were particularly active in the campaign and employed a variety of imaginative strategies to raise awareness. Speaking tours for factory workers were arranged, rallies and sit-ins were held, leaflets were handed out at universities and Nike stores, and National Days of Action involving multiple sites of simultaneous protest were organised. Across the USA, student activists pressured university administrators to threaten Nike with the termination of lucrative university sportswear contracts if Nike failed to take positive steps in resolving the dispute (Featherstone, 2002; Carty, 2003). A team of student organisation representatives also visited the Kukdong factory, providing independent verification of workers complaints (Be, Role, and Carillo, 2001, cited by Carty, 2001). Following intense and sustained activist pressure Nike took the unprecedented step of rather than simply cancelling factory production orders, urging factory managers and government officials to fulfil their legal obligations and respect workers rights to independent trade union representation. Eventually, after nine months of industrial action and pressure from Nike, Kukdong management capitulated, allowing strike organizers to return to work and establish an independent trade union.

This new union went onto negotiate better terms for its workers, including a marked wage increase and payment of bonuses. Furthermore, Nike's decision not to cut and run was viewed as an added victory by activists who had been highly critical of the companys previous use of such tactics in labour disputes in Indonesia (Kidd, 2001, cited by Carty, 2003). It took the combined efforts of networked students, human rights, and labour groups to create the democratic space necessary for the Kukdong workers to organize and protest. However, Featherstone (2002) and Carty (2003) both make the point that whilst the pressure placed on Nike by this transnational coalition was fundamental to the workers victory, it was ultimately down to the courage and determination of the factory workers that success was achieved. It is also important to keep in mind that although the relationship between activists in the developed world and workers in the developing world is reciprocal, the balance is unequal. This is because for Northern activists participation in a social movement is an expression of life-style politics and a way rejecting a social and economic world subjugated by corporate interests, whilst for workers it is about bread and butter issues (Bullert, 2000).

Since the Kukdong strike there has been slow but uneven improvement in Nike's approach to labour issues. One major breakthrough, which activists have been fighting years for, has been the disclosure by Nike of the names and addresses of all factories manufacturing their products. Such disclosure makes independent assessments of conditions possible, and is seen as a demonstration of the companys new willing transparency. However, this display of corporate social responsibility has not automatically translated into improved conditions for workers.

Following a survey by Nike of factories manufacturing their products, the corporation released a report in 2005 which admitted continuing widespread ill-treatment of employees, including forced overtime, restricted access to water and toilet facilities, instances of verbally and physically "abusive treatment", and wages under the legal minimum approximately 25 % of factories (ETAG, 2005; Teacher, 2005). Sweatshop activist Jeff Ballinger (2006) is highly critical of Nike's new found honesty, arguing that whist the company is now addressing sweatshop issues in the public arena there is little concrete action or meaningful change taking place on the shop floor. In conclusion, the TSMC that emerged to contest Nike's poor labour practices can be credited with playing an important role in raising the public profile of debate about transnational corporate responsibility and increasing public awareness about global interdependency. A diversity of groups each enriched the campaign in different ways, and it took the combination of Jeff Ballinger's thorough research, Global Exchange savvy PR skills, the mobilizing and organizational skills of student and labour groups, and the tenacity and bravery of the workers, to bring improvements to Nike's approach to corporate social responsibility which has resulted in a limited level of betterment in factory conditions. However, it does appear that whilst Nike is now making the right noises publicly there is still considerable room for improvement on the shop floor. Moreover, Nike's lip-service may have persuades some segments of the anti-Nike coalition to move onto other targets but it is the workers themselves who remain engaged in the daily struggle to win improvements, because unlike activists from the North, they do not have the luxury of post-materialist practices.

BIBLOGRAPHY: Amoore, L. (ed) (2005) The Global Resistance Reader. New York: Routledge Ballinger, J. (2006) Why "High Profile" Efforts to Protect Sweatshop Workers Have Failed: The Other Side of Nike and Social Responsibility [online] Counter Punch, February 8 th, 2006. Available from: web [Accessed March 27 th, 2006 ] Bandy, J. and Smith, T. (eds. ) (2005) Coalitions Across Borders: Transnational Protests and the Neoliberal Order. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.

Bennett, W. L. (2004) Branded political communication: lifestyle politics, logo campaigns, and the rise of global citizenship in Politics, Products, and Markets: Exploring Political Consumerism Past and Present. by Micheletti, M. et al (eds. ) pp. 101 - 125. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books Boyd-Barrett, O. , McKenna, J. , Sreberny-Mohammad, A. and Winseck, D. (eds. ) (1997) Media in Global Context.

London: Arnold Bullert, B. J. (2000) Strategic Public Relations, Sweatshops, and the Making of a Global Movement. [online] The Joan Shorenstein Centre on the Press, Politics, & Public Policy. Available from: web Publications/Papers/Working Papers/ 2000 14. PDF [Accessed March 30 th, 2006 ] Carty, V. (2001) The Internet and Grassroots Politics: Nike, the Athletic Apparel Industry and the Anti-sweatshop Campaign. [online] Tamara, Vol 1 (2) 2001. Available from: web 1 /issue 1 2 / 2 Carty Nike corp predator. htm [Accessed March 15 th, 2006 ] Carty, V. (2003) New Social Movements and the Struggle for Workers Rights in the Maquila Industry. [online] Theory and Science, 2003.

Available from: web carty. html [Accessed April 4 th, 2006 ] Castells, M. (1996) The Rise of the Network Society, Second Edition. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd Clean Clothes Campaign (1998) Nike Case. [online] Clean Clothes Campaign, November 1998. Available from: web [Accessed April 15 th, 2006 ] Cohen, J. L. & Art, A. (1992) Civil Society and Political Theory. Massachusetts, USA: M.

I. T. Press Cohen, R. (1998) Transnational Social Movements: An Assessment. [online] Transnational Communities Programme, Economic and Social Research Council. Available from: web [Accessed April 15 th, 2006 ] Ethical Trading Action Group (ETAG) (2005) Coming Clean on the Clothes We Wear: Transparency Report Card. Maquila Solidarity Network (MSN) December 2005 [online] Available from: web [Accessed March 28 th, 2006 ] Falk, R. (1998) Global civil society: perspectives, initiatives, movements in The Global Resistance Reader. (ed. ) Amoore, L. (2005) Chapter 11, pp. 124 135. New York: Routledge Giddens, A. (1991) The globalizing of modernity in Media in Global Context.

by Boyd-Barrett, O. et al (eds. ) (1997) Chapter 3, pp. 19 26. London: Arnold Keck, M. E.

and Sikkink, K. (1998) Activists Beyond Borders. New York: Cornell University Press Khagram, S. , Riker, J. V. , and Sikkink, K. (eds) (2002) From Santiago to Seattle transnational advocacy groups restructuring world politics in Restructuring World Politics: Transnational Social Movements, Networks and Norms. (eds. ) Khagram et. al. (2002) Chapter 1, pp. 3 - 23. Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press Lindberg, S.

and Sverrisson, A. (eds) (1997) Social Movements in Development: The Challenges of Globalization and Democratization Locke, R. , M. (2003) The Promise and Perils Of Globalization: The Case Of Nike [online] MIT Political Science. Available from: web [Accessed March 30 th, 2006 ] Micheletti, M. , Follesdal, A. , and Deitlind, S. (eds. ) (2004) Politics, Products, and Markets: Exploring Political Consumerism Past and Present. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books Post, F. and CETRI (eds. ) (2004) Globalizing Resistance: The State of Struggle. London: Pluto Press Shaw, R. (1999) Reclaiming America: Nike, Clean Air, and the New National Activism.

London: University of California Press, Ltd. Spar, D. and La Mure, L. T. (2003) The Power of Activism: Assessing the Impact of NGOs on Global Business. [online] UW-L, University of Wisconsin - La Crosse. Available from: web [Accessed April 10 th, 2006 ] Teacher, D. (2005) Nike lists abuses at Asian factories. [online] The Guardian Online, Thursday April 14 th, 2005. Available from: web


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