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Example research essay topic: Violence Against Women Alcohol Abuse - 1,817 words

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... womens victimization may inaccurately represent possible threatening or dangerous areas and therefore appears to be a shortcoming of these findings. Odds of victimization were found to be higher for those who have taken a self-defense class or take personal precaution by carrying some type of weapon. An explanation for this may be that these were the precaution measures taken after a woman had been abused. Women are more likely to become victimized by someone they know whereas men are most often victimized by a stranger.

It is important to keep in mind that a statistical relationship between the levels of a factor and the rate of multiple victimization does not prove a causal relationship and a relationship found from a cross-sectional study such as the VAWS may not hold longitudinally. Although this study has offered us important and useful information it is important to realize that we are still left with unanswered questions of to what extent must a woman change her lifestyle in order to avoid victimization? And how can a woman avoid non-stranger violence? Drunken Bums or Happy Drunks: Contrasting Views of the Role of Alcohol in Wife Assault To what extent can alcohol abuse be said to contribute directly to the risk of wife assault? The purpose of this study was to investigate the importance of alcohol abuse as a predictive factor of wife abuse, relative to other socio-demographic and attitudinal factors, using a nationally representative survey on violence against women conducted in Canada in 1993. There are many different views concerning whether or not alcohol consumption causes a man to beat his wife.

Some women look to explain why their husbands beat them and in turn offer an excuse for their husbands behavior by blaming it on him being drunk, and that he would not normally not be abusive. Others believe that their husband is only abusive when he is hung over and recovering from the binge and also offer excuses for their husbands violent behavior. It is reasons like these that offer men an excuse to act, not like themselves, and once they have sobered up regret their actions and promise for this to never happen again. Women who reported being assaulted by their spouse were asked whether the man had been drinking at the time of the incident, and one-half replied that he had. These studies also provided us with a correlate between alcohol abusers having higher rates of abuse on their wives, and also commit more serious physical injury.

It is also important to note that even those husbands who rarely ever drink were by their wives as usually drinking at the time of the assault. We appreciate the ethical considerations given during this survey since consumption of alcohol on the part of the victim was left out in order to avoid victim blaming. The methods involved in this analysis involved an independent variable of alcohol abuse that was divided between a man who has had 5 or more drinks at one time at least once per month, or drinks moderately, or does not drink at all. Within the socio-demographics of this survey there were six factors examined.

Age, education, household income, employment activity, marital status, duration. There were six attitudes about violence measured including witnessing violence in childhood, name-calling and put-downs, sexual jealousy, attempts to limit her contact with other people, insists on knowing her whereabouts, prevents access to income. This study offered us findings that reveal how mens attitudes and beliefs in the rightness of control over female partners made a more important statistical contribution to predictions about violence than alcohol, age, and type of relationship, or class variables. Name-calling and put-downs were found to be the most important predictors of violence. These results suggest that the link between alcohol and violence may be a spurious once in which masculinity is acted out through heavy drinking and attacks and degradation of their female spouse. Unemployment remained an important predictor of violence against women even once the effects of age and attitudes were removed.

The results of this study reveal that men, most often, do not abuse their wives simply because they are drunk. Rather than alleviating responsibility due to their intoxication we should focus on programs that will alter the narrow approach that some men have as they attempt to maintain the old fashion and extremely sexist patriarchal society we are slowly yet progressively changing. Victimization and fear: Assessing the role of offender and offence Carl Keane's paper considers womens fears and apprehensions regarding crime, violence and a wide range of physical and sexual abuse. Keane shows that womens fear varies directly with a number of socio-economic factors, the types of intimidation, harassment, and crime they have experienced and the nature of their relationships with the men who perpetrated the victimization. Keane's paper reveals a number of strong patterns and shows how the Violence Against Women Survey (Statistics Canada, 1993) has extended existing knowledge regarding womens apprehensions and fears. Keane shows that young, single women living in urban areas are more likely than other women to express fear of walking alone at night.

Past experiences that correlate with fear include being followed by a stranger, receiving obscene phone calls and unwanted attention from strangers. Forced sex, being touched sexually, and having ones job threatened are also correlated with increased rates of fear among women. Prior research has failed to identify a whole range of violence and intimidation experienced by women, victim surveys have but recently begun to explore respondents experiences with crime and violence as potential correlates of fear. While confirming earlier findings that elevated rates of fear are associated with urban areas and lower socio-economic status, the main findings emerging from this paper contradict earlier results on fear of crime among women. Challenging earlier studies, the results presented in this paper point to a flaw in the methodology of past research. Any future research that does not consider womens life experiences of sexual and physical harassment, intimidation, and violence will be judged incomplete in assessing womens fears and apprehensions regarding crime, violence and physical and sexual intimidation.

The effect of victim-offender relationship on reporting crimes of violence against women Gartner and Macmillan offer various reasons why previous research has not provided adequate answers to whether the relationship between the victim and the offender affects the likelihood that the victimization will come to the attention of the police. Victimization surveys have provided little help in resolving this question because measurement error, lack of sensitivity to the nature of intimate violence, and focus on crime that doesnt encourage respondents to think about violence between intimates as relevant to such a survey. Gartner and Macmillan believe the Violence Against Women Survey (Statistics Canada, 1993) has several features that overcome some of the problems of previous research, which makes it better suited to examine the effect of the relationship between victim and offender upon the willingness to report a violent incident to police. They state that the Violence Against Women Survey was designed to gather information about a full range of violence experienced by women in all types of relationships. Violent incidents were reported in terms of characteristics of the incident, effects upon the woman, and subsequent actions taken. Gartner and Macmillan's period specific analysis shows that at Time 1 (pre- 1984) each of the three known-offender victimization's is significantly less likely than stranger victimization's to come to police attention By Time 3 (after 1988) victimization by dates or boyfriends and by co-workers and other known men come to police attention significantly less often than victimization's by strangers Gartner and Macmillan conclude, we again see evidence that victimization's by known offenders were under-reported (relative to stranger victimization's) throughout the years covered by the survey.

We also see evidence that this under-reporting is strongest for more intimate victimization's and may be diminishing somewhat for less intimate victimization's. This analysis highlights the extent to which violence against women continues to exist outside police knowledge or intervention. The authors offer one limitation of their study - their analysis does not link the patterns of under-reporting of violence (to the police) to the process by which decisions are made. Lethal and nonlethal violence against wives Wilson, Johnson, and Daly seek to compare lethal and nonlethal assaults. This paper is based on the premise that there should be a relationship between uxoricide's (killing of wives) and assaults on wives / intimate partners. These authors propose that the sole or primary motivation for men who kill or assault their wives is male sexual proprietaries (a sense of rightful ownership).

They argue that men attempt to control and restrict womens autonomy and male violence is thus viewed as functional. It is important to note that this conception of male violence contrasts other accounts that locate violence solely within a field of emotions, such as stress, frustration, anxiety, and anger. Using the Canadian Homicide Survey and the Violence Against Women Survey, Wilson, Johnson, and Daly explore the possible correlation between these two types of violence by considering the circumstances of homicide and assaults, and the impact of a range of demographic and social variables. On the basis of the data presented it seems that uxoricide and non-fatal assaults are linked in intimate relationships. The evidence indicates that an important risk marker for assaultive and homicidal acts is marital separation.

Men may seek to force their partner to return and then punish them for leaving. Another important marker is the status of the relationship - the uxoricide rate is approximately eight times higher in common-law relations than in state-registered relations (marriages) and the rate of assaultive violence is about four times higher. The results also suggest that age and age disparity are associated with violence against wives. Evidence from more intensive in-depth studies of men who have assaulted and / or killed women suggests that there may be distinct differences in motivations, intentions, and contexts between homicides and assaults against women. In view of conflicting evidence, it should be asked Can it be that the motivations and intentions of men who behave in a non-utilitarian manner by killing their partner (or ex-partner), parallel the motivations and intentions of men who appear to behave in a functional way, using violence to control, punish, and obtain domestic or sexual service? Bibliography: Bibliography 1.

Desmond Ellis and Walter DeKeseredy, The Wrong Stuff: An Introduction to the Sociological Study of Deviance Second Edition (Scarborough: Allyn & Bacon Canada, 1996) 2. Rosemary Cairns-Way and Renate Mohr, Dimensions of Criminal Law (Toronto: End Montgomery Publications, 1996) &# 61623; Bruce Shapiro, Anatomy of an Assault: A Victim of Random Violence Ponders Our Culture of Crime (1995), Dimensions of Criminal Law, 35 - 40 &# 61623; Stephen L. Carter, When Victims Happen To Be Black (1988), Dimensions of Criminal Law, 758764 3. U. S Department of Justice, Young Black Male Victims: National Crime Victimization Survey (1994), web


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