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... policies in the late 1930 's. Moreover, it is impossible to shield the people of one's own state to the inhumanity and violence in foreign affairs because of the refugees, exiles and dissidents who arrive at one's own states to seek refuge. For such reasons Article 2. 7 was established in the United Nations Charter, giving the UN admissible rights to intervene in foreign affairs, mainly if the state concerned gives its consent, if an internal conflict assumes an international dimension recognized by external sponsors and internal factions or if a state denounces the rights of its citizens as stated by the UN Commission on Human Rights. These reasons for intervention are somewhat hypothetical and usually the UN would have to look at some more realistic reasons for intervention.
This breach in article 2. 7 would be welcomed by the activist school, represented by many of the industrialized nations, while the status quo school would be deeply suspicious of any interpretations of the article - resembling the realist school - which is favored by most of the developing states. However, if a situation entails systematic and massive suffering which is supported by a wide spectrum of the international community then intervention is deemed necessary. But the intervention is only militaristic as a last resort, for the UN can use sanctions, bilateral pressure and bureaucratic measures to try and resolve a situation without the use of force. Thus even with the subjective nature of humanitarian crisis' the UN has reasonable and effective measures to deal with them. However the United Nations and indeed humanitarian intervention in general, can be questioned and proven as an unjust reason to intervene both morally and realistically. The power held by international governmental organizations is seen as too great by its critics, making decisions " in a world of multiple issues imperfectly linked" it has the power to intervene "under the guise of humanitarian" concerns.
When referring to humanitarianism there is the realist concern that the state is assuming the morality of its citizens, thus pushing its morality on its citizens and undermining the citizen's liberties and freedoms. There is also the concern of a countries own well being as it may become over-run with the refugees it was trying to liberate and / or incite an unfavorable self-image in the foreign country it was trying to help. This is so because it is impossible to reach the victims of oppression without "shaking heaven and earth, " thus disrupting another countries institutions and policies and in turn their way of life, not always for the better as seen in Vietnam. Along with the moral questions raised, the UN itself has only a limited capacity to handle the growing number of requests made on it. It is now seen that the states of the world have "overblown expectations" of the UN and without strengthening its resources the effectiveness, performance and credibility of the organization will suffer. In this sense one must also question the equality of UN peacekeeping for we have seen it to be effective in Europe, but it was in their power to intervene in Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Chechnya but they didn't.
It is fundamentally hypocritical to use the principle of humanitarianism for Europe and not for the rest of the world; it could even be viewed as being racist. These examples all seem to point in a general direction, towards the impracticality of any authority over the state. For example, when a single country intervenes in a foreign countries affairs and "plays the role of moral judge and moral policeman, it will risk the maximum of distortion and hypocrisy - the maximum of internal backlash if it fails and the maximum of backlash abroad ." Finally when dealing with individual nations there is always the threat of a double standard, such as proclaiming 'humanitarian abuses' in a foreign state but then using its power solely for economical / political reasons. These are all faults or areas where faults could take place by allowing institutions like the United Nations or Countries like the US to justify having authority over foreign states. The example of humanitarianism has been used to encompass all reasons for intervention into other states because the use of such a term so sensitive; it is the difference between a common international community of caring, compassionate human beings and the division of people on terms of territory, nationality or religion. Thus if I can describe accurately and clearly the benefits and dangers of humanitarianism these points will relate to and go beyond the expectations of foreign intervention for any other reason.
To clarify, if I describe the benefits and dangers of going into Kosovo for humanitarian reasons these same benefits and dangers will not only be equal to the US's and UN's involvement in the Gulf War but go beyond it to relate to morality and humanity. I would now like to go back to Rousseau's idea of a Utopian central government. Would an international organization like this not relieve all the problems and dangers presented accompanied by the United Nations and solitary Nations intervention in foreign Nations affairs? Although it is hypothetical and somewhat unrealistic I would argue that it would, while ensuring humanitarian rights and a peaceful state of international affairs. Perhaps, as an international community we need to reform and give more power to the United Nations in order to ensure justice and morality in its conduct and apply it more on a worldly basis instead of using it primarily for industrialized nations. To allow nation-states inviolable sovereignty would be extremely dangerous to its citizens and to the world as a whole and would be much more war prone than it currently is under the United Nations.
Bibliography: Bibliography Agency, Bernard T. Just War, Political Realism, and Faith. London: Scarecrow Press Inc, 1988. Hoffmann, Stanley.
Duties Beyond Borders: On the Limits and Possibilities of Ethical International Politics. New York: Syracuse University Press, 1981. Holmes, Kim R. Humanitarian Warriors: The Moral Follies of the Clinton Doctrine. Washington DC: The Heritage Foundation, 2000.
Neck, Laura et al. Foreign Policy Analysis: Continuity and Change in Its Second Generation. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1995. Otunnu, Opera A et al. Keeping the Peace in the Post-Cold War Era: Strengthening Multilateral Peacekeeping. New York: Trilateral Commission, 1993.
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